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• 11 Apr 2024
• In Practice

Why Progress on Immigration Might Soften Labor Pains

Long-term labor shortages continue to stoke debates about immigration policy in the United States. We asked Harvard Business School faculty members to discuss what's at stake for companies facing talent needs, and the potential scenarios on the horizon.

• 08 May 2023
• Research & Ideas

How Trump’s Anti-Immigrant Rhetoric Crushed Crowdfunding for Minority Entrepreneurs

When public anxiety about immigration surges, Black, Asian, and Hispanic inventors have a harder time raising funds for new ideas on Kickstarter, says research by William Kerr. What can platforms do to confront bias in entrepreneurial finance?

• 14 Feb 2023

Is Sweden Still 'Sweden'? A Liberal Utopia Grapples with an Identity Crisis

Changing political views and economic forces have threatened Sweden's image of liberal stability. Is it the end of the Scandinavian business-welfare model as we know it? In a case study, Debora Spar examines recent shifts in Sweden and what they mean for the country's future.

• 01 Nov 2022
• What Do You Think?

Why Aren’t Business Leaders More Vocal About Immigration Policy?

Immigration fuels the American economy, feeds the talent pool, and can directly affect company performance. And yet few executives and entrepreneurs have waded into the policy dialogue, says James Heskett. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 30 Mar 2021
• Working Paper Summaries

Whose Job Is It Anyway? Co-Ethnic Hiring in New US Ventures

The impact of immigration has been particularly sharp in entrepreneurship, yet there is remarkably little evidence about how immigration in the workplace connects to the creation and scaling of new firms. The economic consequences of greater workplace and entrepreneurial diversity deserve closer attention.

• 11 Jan 2021

The Political Effects of Immigration: Culture or Economics?

This paper reviews and explains the growing literature focused on the political effects of immigration, and highlights fruitful avenues for future research. When compared to potential labor market competition and other economic forces, broadly defined cultural factors have a stronger political and social impact.

• 03 Nov 2020

An Executive Order Worth $100 Billion: The Impact of an Immigration Ban’s Announcement on Fortune 500 Firms’ Valuation

President Trump’s executive order restricting entry of temporary foreign workers to the United States negatively affected the valuation of 471 publicly traded Fortune 500 firms by an estimated $100 billion. Closed for comment; 0 Comments.

• 15 Jun 2020

The Seeds of Ideology: Historical Immigration and Political Preferences in the United States

Researchers test the relationship between historical immigration to the United States and political ideology today.

• 11 May 2020

Immigration Policies Threaten American Competitiveness

At this time of crisis, America risks signaling to global innovators and entrepreneurs that they have no future here, says William R. Kerr. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 21 Apr 2020

Changing In-group Boundaries: The Role of New Immigrant Waves in the US

How do new immigrants affect natives’ views of other minority groups? This work studies the evolution of group boundaries in the United States and indicates that whites living in states receiving more Mexican immigrants recategorize blacks as in-group members, because of the inflow of a new, “affectively” more distant group.

• 06 Apr 2020

Where Do Workers Go When the Robots Arrive?

Marco Tabellini and colleagues investigate where workers go after losing their jobs to automation and Chinese imports. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 17 Feb 2020

The Impact of Technology and Trade on Migration: Evidence from the US

Labor mobility can re-equilibrate local labor markets after an economic shock. Both robot adoption and Chinese import competition between 1990 and 2015 caused large declines in manufacturing employment across US local labor markets (commuting zones, CZs). However, only robots were associated with a decline in CZ population, which resulted from reduced in-migration rather than by increased out-migration.

• 01 Jan 2020

Why Not Open America's Doors to All the World’s Talent?

SUMMING UP: The H-1B visa program is exploited by some employers to replace high-paid talent, but that doesn't mean foreign workers should be shut out of working in the United States, according to many of James Heskett's readers. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 19 Jun 2019

Migrant Inventors and the Technological Advantage of Nations

This study provides robust econometric evidence for how immigrant inventors shape the innovation dynamics of their receiving countries. Countries receiving inventors from other nations that specialize in patenting particular technologies are more likely to have a significant increase in patent applications of the same technology.

• 08 Jun 2019

The Gift of Global Talent: Innovation Policy and the Economy

High-skilled workers in today’s knowledge-based economy are arguably the most important resource to the success of businesses, regions, and industries. This chapter pulls from Kerr’s book The Gift of Global Talent to examine the migration dynamics of high-skilled individuals. He argues that improving our knowledge of high-skilled migration can lead to better policy decisions.

• 07 Feb 2019

Immigrant Networking and Collaboration: Survey Evidence from CIC

This study compares United States-born and immigrant entrepreneurs’ use of networking opportunities provided by CIC, the former Cambridge Innovation Center. Immigrants clearly take more advantage of networking opportunities at CIC, especially around the exchange of advice. It remains to be seen whether this generates long-term performance advantages for immigrants.

• 01 Nov 2018

Forecasting Airport Transfer Passenger Flow Using Real-Time Data and Machine Learning

Passengers arriving at international hubs often endure delays, especially at immigration and security. This study of London’s Heathrow Airport develops a system to provide real-time information about transfer passengers’ journeys through the airport to better serve passengers, airlines, and their employees. It shows how advanced machine learning could be accessible to managers.

• 01 Oct 2018

Is the US Losing its Ability to Attract Highly Skilled Migrant Workers?

As debates sharpen on the benefits and drawbacks of migrant labor, William R. Kerr's new book explores why global talent flows matter to national economic development and security. Book excerpt and author interview. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 19 Sep 2018

From Immigrants to Americans: Race and Assimilation During the Great Migration

The Great Migration of African Americans and the mass migration of Europeans both contributed to forming the modern American racial and ethnic landscape. This analysis finds that native whites more readily accepted European immigrants as African Americans arrived in the US North during the first Great Migration, facilitating the assimilation of European immigrants in northern urban centers.

• 07 Aug 2018

Gifts of the Immigrants, Woes of the Natives: Lessons from the Age of Mass Migration

Investigating the economic and political effects of immigration across US cities between 1910 and 1930, this paper finds that political opposition to immigration can arise even when immigrants bring widespread economic benefits. The paper provides evidence that cultural differences between immigrants and natives were responsible, at least in part, for natives’ anti-immigration reactions.

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Article Contents

1. introduction, 2. studies of migration studies, 3. methodology, 4. metadata on migration studies, 5. topic clusters in migration studies, 6. trends in topic networks in migration studies, 7. conclusions, acknowledgements.

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Mapping migration studies: An empirical analysis of the coming of age of a research field

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Asya Pisarevskaya, Nathan Levy, Peter Scholten, Joost Jansen, Mapping migration studies: An empirical analysis of the coming of age of a research field, Migration Studies , Volume 8, Issue 3, September 2020, Pages 455–481, https://doi.org/10.1093/migration/mnz031

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Migration studies have developed rapidly as a research field over the past decades. This article provides an empirical analysis not only on the development in volume and the internationalization of the field, but also on the development in terms of topical focus within migration studies over the past three decades. To capture volume, internationalisation, and topic focus, our analysis involves a computer-based topic modelling of the landscape of migration studies. Rather than a linear growth path towards an increasingly diversified and fragmented field, as suggested in the literature, this reveals a more complex path of coming of age of migration studies. Although there seems to be even an accelerated growth for migration studies in terms of volume, its internationalisation proceeds only slowly. Furthermore, our analysis shows that rather than a growth of diversification of topics within migration topic, we see a shift between various topics within the field. Finally, our study shows that there is no consistent trend to more fragmentation in the field; in contrast, it reveals a recent recovery of connectedness between the topics in the field, suggesting an institutionalisation or even theoretical and conceptual coming of age of migration studies.

Migration studies have developed rapidly as a research field in recent decades. It encompasses studies on all types of international and internal migration, migrants, and migration-related diversity ( King, 2002 ; Scholten, 2018 ). Many scholars have observed the increase in the volume of research on migration ( Massey et al., 1998 ; Bommes and Morawska, 2005 ; Scholten et al., 2015 ). Additionally, the field has become increasingly varied in terms of links to broader disciplines ( King, 2012 ; Brettell and Hollifield, 2014 ) and in terms of different methods used ( Vargas-Silva, 2012 ; Zapata-Barrero and Yalaz, 2018 ). It is now a field that has in many senses ‘come of age’: it has internationalised with scholars involved from many countries; it has institutionalised through a growing number of journals; an increasing number of institutes dedicated to migration studies; and more and more students are pursuing migration-related courses. These trends are also visible in the growing presence of international research networks in the field of migration.

Besides looking at the development of migration in studies in terms of size, interdisciplinarity, internationalisation, and institutionalisation, we focus in this article on the development in topical focus of migration studies. We address the question how has the field of migration studies developed in terms of its topical focuses? What topics have been discussed within migration studies? How has the topical composition of the field changed, both in terms of diversity (versus unity) and connectedness (versus fragmentation)? Here, the focus is not on influential publications, authors, or institutes, but rather on what topics scholars have written about in migration studies. The degree of diversity among and connectedness between these topics, especially in the context of quantitative growth, will provide an empirical indication of whether a ‘field’ of migration studies exists, or to what extent it is fragmented.

Consideration of the development of migration studies invokes several theoretical questions. Various scholars have argued that the growth of migration studies has kept pace not only with the growing prominence of migration itself but also with the growing attention of nation–states in particular towards controlling migration. The coproduction of knowledge between research and policy, some argue ( Scholten, 2011 ), has given migration research an inclination towards paradigmatic closure, especially around specific national perspectives on migration. Wimmer and Glick Schiller (2002 ) speak in this regard of ‘methodological nationalism’, and others refer to the prominence of national models that would be reproduced by scholars and policymakers ( Bommes and Morawska, 2005 ; Favell, 2003 ). More generally, this has led, some might argue, to an overconcentration of the field on a narrow number of topics, such as integration and migration control, and a consequent call to ‘de-migranticise’ migration research ( Dahinden, 2016 ; see also Schinkel, 2018 ).

However, recent studies suggest that the growth of migration studies involves a ‘coming of age’ in terms of growing diversity of research within the field. This diversification of migration studies has occurred along the lines of internationalisation ( Scholten et al., 2015 ), disciplinary variation ( Yans-McLaughlin, 1990 ; King, 2012 ; Brettell and Hollifield, 2014 ) and methodological variation ( Vargas-Silva, 2012 ; Zapata-Barrero and Yalaz, 2018 ). The International Organization for Migration ( IOM, 2017 : 95) even concludes that ‘the volume, diversity, and growth of both white and grey literature preclude a [manual] systematic review’ of migration research produced in 2015 and 2016 alone .

Nonetheless, in this article, we attempt to empirically trace the development of migration studies over the past three decades, and seek to find evidence for the claim that the ‘coming of age’ of migration studies indeed involves a broadening of the variety of topics within the field. We pursue an inductive approach to mapping the academic landscape of >30 years of migration studies. This includes a content analysis based on a topic modelling algorithm, applied to publications from migration journals and book series. We trace the changes over time of how the topics are distributed within the corpus and the extent to which they refer to one another. We conclude by giving a first interpretation of the patterns we found in the coming of age of migration studies, which is to set an agenda for further studies of and reflection on the development of this research field. While migration research is certainly not limited to journals and book series that focus specifically on migration, our methods enable us to gain a representative snapshot of what the field looks like, using content from sources that migration researchers regard as relevant.

Migration has always been studied from a variety of disciplines ( Cohen, 1996 ; Brettell and Hollifield, 2014 ), such as economics, sociology, history, and demography ( van Dalen, 2018 ), using a variety of methods ( Vargas-Silva, 2012 ; Zapata-Barrero and Yalaz, 2018 ), and in a number of countries ( Carling, 2015 ), though dominated by Northern Hemisphere scholarship (see, e.g. Piguet et al., 2018 ), especially from North America and Europe ( Bommes and Morawska, 2005 ). Taking stock of various studies on the development of migration studies, we can define several expectations that we will put to an empirical test.

Ravenstein’s (1885) 11 Laws of Migration is widely regarded as the beginning of scholarly thinking on this topic (see Zolberg, 1989 ; Greenwood and Hunt, 2003 ; Castles and Miller, 2014 ; Nestorowicz and Anacka, 2018 ). Thomas and Znaniecki’s (1918) five-volume study of Polish migrants in Europe and America laid is also noted as an early example of migration research. However, according to Greenwood and Hunt (2003 ), migration research ‘took off’ in the 1930s when Thomas (1938) indexed 191 studies of migration across the USA, UK, and Germany. Most ‘early’ migration research was quantitative (see, e.g. Thornthwaite, 1934 ; Thomas, 1938 ). In addition, from the beginning, migration research developed with two empirical traditions: research on internal migration and research on international migration ( King and Skeldon, 2010 ; Nestorowicz and Anacka, 2018 : 2).

In subsequent decades, studies of migration studies describe a burgeoning field. Pedraza-Bailey (1990) refers to a ‘veritable boom’ of knowledge production by the 1980s. A prominent part of these debates focussed around the concept of assimilation ( Gordon, 1964 ) in the 1950s and 1960s (see also Morawska, 1990 ). By the 1970s, in light of the civil rights movements, researchers were increasingly focussed on race and ethnic relations. However, migration research in this period lacked an interdisciplinary ‘synthesis’ and was likely not well-connected ( Kritz et al., 1981 : 10; Pryor, 1981 ; King, 2012 : 9–11). Through the 1980s, European migration scholarship was ‘catching up’ ( Bommes and Morawska, 2005 : 14) with the larger field across the Atlantic. Substantively, research became increasingly mindful of migrant experiences and critical of (national) borders and policies ( Pedraza-Bailey, 1990 : 49). King (2012) also observes this ‘cultural turn’ towards more qualitative anthropological migration research by the beginning of the 1990s, reflective of trends in social sciences more widely ( King, 2012 : 24). In the 1990s, Massey et al. (1993, 1998 ) and Massey (1994) reflected on the state of the academic landscape. Their literature review (1998) notes over 300 articles on immigration in the USA, and over 150 European publications. Despite growth, they note that the field did not develop as coherently in Europe at it had done in North America (1998: 122).

We therefore expect to see a significant growth of the field during the 1980s and 1990s, and more fragmentation, with a prominence of topics related to culture and borders.

At the turn of the millennium, Portes (1997) lists what were, in his view, the five key themes in (international) migration research: 1 transnational communities; 2 the new second generation; 3 households and gender; 4 states and state systems; and 5 cross-national comparisons. This came a year after Cohen’s review of Theories of Migration (1996), which classifies nine key thematic ‘dyads’ in migration studies, such as internal versus international migration; individual versus contextual reasons to migrate; temporary versus permanent migration; and push versus pull factors (see full list in Cohen, 1996 : 12–15). However, despite increasing knowledge production, Portes argues that the problem in these years was the opposite of what Kritz et al. (1981) observe above; scholars had access to and generated increasing amounts of data, but failed to achieve ‘conceptual breakthrough’ ( Portes, 1997 : 801), again suggesting fragmentation in the field.

Thus, in late 1990s and early 2000s scholarship we expect to find a prominence of topics related to these five themes, and a limited number of “new” topics.

In the 21st century, studies of migration studies indicate that there has been a re-orientation away from ‘states and state systems’. This is exemplified by Wimmer and Glick Schiller’s (2002) widely cited commentary on ‘methodological nationalism’, and the alleged naturalisation of nation-state societies in migration research (see Thranhardt and Bommes, 2010 ), leading to an apparent pre-occupation with the integration paradigm since the 1980s according to Favell (2003) and others ( Dahinden, 2016 ; Schinkel, 2018 ). This debate is picked up in Bommes and Morawska’s (2005) edited volume, and Lavenex (2005) . Describing this shift, Geddes (2005) , in the same volume, observes a trend of ‘Europeanised’ knowledge production, stimulated by the research framework programmes of the EU. Meanwhile, on this topic, others highlight a ‘local turn’ in migration and diversity research ( Caponio and Borkert, 2010 ; Zapata-Barrero et al., 2017) .

In this light, we expect to observe a growth in references to European (and other supra-national) level and local-level topics in the 21t century compared to before 2000.

As well as the ‘cultural turn’ mentioned above, King (2012 : 24–25) observes a re-inscription of migration within wider social phenomena—in terms of changes to the constitutive elements of host (and sending) societies—as a key development in recent migration scholarship. Furthermore, transnationalism, in his view, continues to dominate scholarship, though this dominance is disproportionate, he argues, to empirical reality. According to Scholten (2018) , migration research has indeed become more complex as the century has progressed. While the field has continued to grow and institutionalise thanks to networks like International Migration, Integration and Social Cohesion in Europe (IMISCOE) and Network of Migration Research on Africa (NOMRA), this has been in a context of apparently increasing ‘fragmentation’ observed by several scholars for many years (see Massey et al., 1998 : 17; Penninx et al., 2008 : 8; Martiniello, 2013 ; Scholten et al., 2015 : 331–335).

On this basis, we expect a complex picture to emerge for recent scholarship, with thematic references to multiple social phenomena, and a high level of diversity within the topic composition of the field. We furthermore expect increased fragmentation within migration studies in recent years.

The key expectation of this article is, therefore, that the recent topical composition of migration studies displays greater diversity than in previous decades as the field has grown. Following that logic, we hypothesise that with diversification (increasingly varied topical focuses), fragmentation (decreasing connections between topics) has also occurred.

The empirical analysis of the development in volume and topic composition of migration studies is based on the quantitative methods of bibliometrics and topic modelling. Although bibliometric analysis has not been widely used in the field of migration (for some exceptions, see Carling, 2015 ; Nestorowicz and Anacka, 2018 ; Piguet et al., 2018 ; Sweileh et al., 2018 ; van Dalen, 2018 ), this type of research is increasingly popular ( Fortunato et al., 2018 ). A bibliometric analysis can help map what Kajikawa et al. (2007) call an ‘academic landscape’. Our analysis pursues a similar objective for the field of migration studies. However, rather than using citations and authors to guide our analysis, we extract a model of latent topics from the contents of abstracts . In other words, we are focussed on the landscape of content rather than influence.

3.1 Topic modelling

Topic modelling involves a computer-based strategy for identifying topics or topic clusters that figure centrally in a specific textual landscape (e.g. Jiang et al., 2016 ). This is a class of unsupervised machine learning techniques ( Evans and Aceves, 2016 : 22), which are used to inductively explore and discover patterns and regularities within a corpus of texts. Among the most widely used topic models is Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA). LDA is a type of Bayesian probabilistic model that builds on the assumption that each document in a corpus discusses multiple topics in differing proportions. Therefore, Document A might primarily be about Topic 1 (60 per cent), but it also refers to terms associated with Topic 2 (30 per cent), and, to a lesser extent, Topic 3 (10 per cent). A topic, then, is defined as a probability distribution over a fixed vocabulary, that is, the totality of words present in the corpus. The advantage of the unsupervised LDA approach that we take is that it does not limit the topic model to our preconceptions of which topics are studied by migration researchers and therefore should be found in the literature. Instead, it allows for an inductive sketching of the field, and consequently an element of surprise ( Halford and Savage, 2017 : 1141–1142). To determine the optimal number of topics, we used the package ldatuning to calculate the statistically optimal number of topics, a number which we then qualitatively validated.

The chosen LDA model produced two main outcomes. First, it yielded a matrix with per-document topic proportions, which allow us to generate an idea of the topics discussed in the abstracts. Secondly, the model returned a matrix with per-topic word probabilities. Essentially, the topics are a collection of words ordered by their probability of (co-)occurrence. Each topic contains all the words from all the abstracts, but some words have a much higher likelihood to belong to the identified topic. The 20–30 most probable words for each topic can be helpful in understanding the content of the topic. The third step we undertook was to look at those most probable words by a group of experts familiar with the field and label them. We did this systematically and individually by first looking at the top 5 words, then the top 30, trying to find an umbrella label that would summarize the topic. The initial labels suggested by each of us were then compared and negotiated in a group discussion. To verify the labels even more, in case of a doubt, we read several selected abstracts marked by the algorithm as exhibiting a topic, and through this were able to further refine the names of the topics.

It is important to remember that this list of topics should not be considered a theoretically driven attempt to categorize the field. It is purely inductive because the algorithm is unable to understand theories, conceptual frames, and approaches; it makes a judgement only on the basis of words. So if words are often mentioned together, the computer regards their probability of belonging to one topic as high.

3.2 Dataset of publications

For the topic modelling, we created a dataset that is representative of publications relevant to migration studies. First, we identified the most relevant sources of literature. Here we chose not only to follow rankings in citation indices, but also to ask migration scholars, in an expert survey, to identify what they considered to be relevant sources. This survey was distributed among a group of senior scholars associated with the IMISCOE Network; 25 scholars anonymously completed the survey. A set of journals and book series was identified from existing indices (such as Google Scholar, Web of Science, and Scopus) which were then validated and added to by respondents. Included in our eventual dataset were all journals and book series that were mentioned at least by two experts in the survey. The dataset includes 40 journals and 4 book series (see Supplementary Data A). Non-English journals were omitted from data collection because the algorithm can only analyse one language. Despite their influence on the field, we also did not consider broader disciplinary journals (for instance, sociological journals or economic journals) for the dataset. Such journals, we acknowledge, have published some of the most important research in the history of migration studies, but even with their omission, it is still possible to achieve our goal of obtaining a representative snapshot of what migration researchers have studied, rather than who or which papers have been most influential. In addition, both because of the language restriction of the algorithm and because of the Global North’s dominance in the field that is mentioned above ( Bommes and Morawska, 2005 ; Piguet et al., 2018 ), there is likely to be an under-representation of scholarship from the Global South in our dataset.

Secondly, we gathered metadata on publications from the selected journals and book series using the Scopus and Web of Science electronic catalogues, and manually collecting from those sources available on neither Scopus nor Web of Science. The metadata included authors, years, titles, and abstracts. We collected all available data up to the end of 2017. In total, 94 per cent of our metadata originated from Scopus, ∼1 per cent from Web of Science, and 5 per cent was gathered manually. One limitation of our dataset lies in the fact that the electronic catalogue of Scopus, unfortunately, does not list all articles and abstracts ever published by all the journals (their policy is to collect articles and abstracts ‘where available’ ( Elsevier, 2017 )). There was no technical possibility of assessing Scopus or WoS’ proportional coverage of all articles actually published. The only way to improve the dataset in this regard would be to manually collect and count abstracts from journal websites. This is also why many relevant books were not included in our dataset; they are not indexed in such repositories.

In the earliest years of available data, only a few journals were publishing (with limited coverage of this on Scopus) specifically on migration. However, Fig. 1 below demonstrates that the numbers constantly grew between 1959 and 2018. As Fig. 1 shows, in the first 30 years (1959–88), the number of migration journals increased by 15, while in the following three decades (1989–2018), this growth intensified as the number of journals tripled to 45 in the survey (see Supplementary Data A for abbreviations).

Number of journals focussed on migration and migration-related diversity (1959–2018) Source: Own calculations.

Within all 40 journals in the dataset, we were able to access and extract for our analysis 29,844 articles, of which 22,140 contained abstracts. Furthermore, we collected 901 available abstracts of chapters in the 4 book series: 2 series were downloaded from the Scopus index (Immigration and Asylum Law in Europe; Handbook of the Economics of International Migration), and the abstracts of the other 2 series, selected from our expert survey (the IMISCOE Research Series Migration Diasporas and Citizenship), were collected manually. Given the necessity of manually collecting the metadata for 896 abstracts of the chapters in these series, it was both practical and logical to set these two series as the cut-off point. Ultimately, we get a better picture of the academic landscape as a whole with some expert-approved book series than with none .

Despite the limitations of access, we can still have an approximate idea on how the volume of publications changed overtime. The chart ( Fig. 2 ) below shows that both the number of published articles and the number of abstracts of these articles follow the same trend—a rapid growth after the turn of the century. In 2017, there were three times more articles published per year than in 2000.

Publications and abstracts in the dataset (1959–2018).

The cumulative graph ( Fig. 3 ) below shows the total numbers of publications and the available abstracts. For the creation of our inductively driven topic model, we used all available abstracts in the entire timeframe. However, to evaluate the dynamics of topics over time, we decided to limit the timeframe of our chronological analyses to 1986–2017, because as of 1986, there were more than 10 active journals and more articles had abstracts. This analysis therefore covers the topical evolution of migration studies in the past three decades.

Cumulative total of publications and abstracts (1959–2017).

Migration studies has only internationalised very slowly in support of what others have previously argued ( Bommes and Morawska, 2005 ; Piguet et al., 2018 ). Figure 4 gives a snapshot of the geographic dispersion of the articles (including those without abstracts) that we collected from Scopus. Where available, we extracted the country of authors’ university affiliations. The colour shades represent the per capita publication volume. English-language migration scholarship has been dominated by researchers based, unsurprisingly, in Anglophone and Northern European countries.

Migration research output per capita (based on available affiliation data within dataset).

The topic modelling (following the LDA model) led us, as discussed in methods, to the definition of 60 as the optimal number of topics for mapping migration studies. Each topic is a string of words that, according to the LDA algorithm, belong together. We reviewed the top 30 words for each word string and assigned labels that encapsulated their meaning. Two of the 60 word strings were too generic and did not describe anything related to migration studies; therefore, we excluded them. Subsequently, the remaining 58 topics were organised into a number of clusters. In the Table 1 below, you can see all the topic labels, the topic clusters they are grouped into and the first 5 (out of 30) most probable words defining those topics.

Topics in migration studies

After presenting all the observed topics in the corpus of our publication data, we examined which topics and topic clusters are most frequent in general (between 1964 and 2017), and how their prominence has been changing over the years. On the basis of the matrix of per-item topic proportions generated by LDA analysis, we calculated the shares of each topic in the whole corpus. On the level of individual topics, around 25 per cent of all abstract texts is about the top 10 most prominent topics, which you can see in Fig. 5 below. Among those, #56 identity narratives (migration-related diversity), #39 migration theory, and #29 migration flows are the three most frequently detected topics.

Top 10 topics in the whole corpus of abstracts.

On the level of topic clusters, Fig. 6 (left) shows that migration-related diversity (26 per cent) and migration processes (19 per cent) clearly comprise the two largest clusters in terms of volume, also because they have the largest number topics belonging to them. However, due to our methodology of labelling these topics and grouping them into clusters, it is complicated to make comparisons between topic clusters in terms of relative size, because some clusters simply contain more topics. Calculating average proportions of topics within each cluster allows us to control for the number of topics per cluster, and with this measure, we can better compare the relative prominence of clusters. Figure 6 (right) shows that migration research and statistics have the highest average of topic proportions, followed by the cluster of migration processes and immigrant incorporation.

Topic proportions per cluster.

An analysis on the level of topic clusters in the project’s time frame (1986–2017) reveals several significant trends. First, when discussing shifts in topics over time, we can see that different topics have received more focus in different time frames. Figure 7 shows the ‘age’ of topics, calculated as average years weighted by proportions of publications within a topic per year. The average year of the articles on the same topic is a proxy for the age of the topic. This gives us an understanding of which topics were studied more often compared with others in the past and which topics are emerging. Thus, an average year can be understood as the ‘high-point’ of a topic’s relative prominence in the field. For instance, the oldest topics in our dataset are #22 ‘Migrant demographics’, followed by #45 ‘Governance of migration’ and #46 ‘Migration statistics and survey research’. The newest topics include #14 ‘Mobilities’ and #48 ‘Intra-EU mobility’.

Average topic age, weighted by proportions of publications (publications of 1986–2017). Note: Numbers near dots indicate the numeric id of topics (see Table 1 for the names).

When looking at the weighted ‘age’ of the clusters, it becomes clear that the focus on migration research and statistics is the ‘oldest’, which echoes what Greenwood and Hunt (2003 ) observe. This resonates with the idea that migration studies has roots in more demographic studies of migration and diversity (cf. Thornthwaite, 1934 ; Thomas, 1938 ), which somewhat contrasts with what van Dalen (2018) has found. Geographies of migration (studies related to specific migration flows, origins, and destinations) were also more prominent in the 1990s than now, and immigrant incorporation peaked at the turn of the century. However, gender and family, diversity, and health are more recent themes, as was mentioned above (see Fig. 8 ). This somewhat indicates a possible post-methodological nationalism, post-integration paradigm era in migration research going hand-in-hand with research that, as King (2012) argues, situates migration within wider social and political domains (cf. Scholten, 2018 ).

Diversity of topics and topic clusters (1985–2017).

Then, we analysed the diversification of publications over the various clusters. Based on the literature review, we expected the diversification to have increased over the years, signalling a move beyond paradigmatic closure. Figure 9 (below) shows that we can hardly speak of a significant increase of diversity in migration studies publications. Over the years, only a marginal increase in the diversity of topics is observed. The Gini-Simpson index of diversity in 1985 was around 0.95 and increased to 0.98 from 1997 onwards. Similarly, there is little difference between the sizes of topic clusters over the years. Both ways of calculating the Gini-Simpson index of diversity by clusters resulted in a rather stable picture showing some fluctuations between 0.82 and 0.86. This indicates that there has never been a clear hegemony of any cluster at any time. In other words, over the past three decades, the diversity of topics and topic clusters was quite stable: there have always been a great variety of topics discussed in the literature of migration studies, with no topic or cluster holding a clear monopoly.

Average age of topic clusters, weighted by proportions (publications of 1986–2017).

Subsequently, we focussed on trends in topic networks. As our goal is to describe the general development of migration studies as a field, we decided to analyse topic networks in three equal periods of 10 years (Period 1 (1988–97); Period 2 (1998–2007); Period 3 (2008–17)). On the basis of the LDA-generated matrix with per-abstract topic proportions (The LDA algorithm determines the proportions of all topics observed within each abstract. Therefore, each abstract can contain several topics with a substantial prominence), we calculated the topic-by-topic Spearman correlation coefficients in each of the time frames. From the received distribution of the correlation coefficients, we chose to focus on the top 25 per cent strongest correlations period. In order to highlight difference in strength of connections, we assigned different weights to the correlations between the topics. Coefficient values above the 75th percentile (0.438) but ≤0.5 were weighted 1; correlations above 0.5 but ≤0.6 were weighted 2; and correlations >0.6 were weighted 3. We visualised these topic networks using the software Gephi.

To compare networks of topics in each period, we used three common statistics of network analysis: 1 average degree of connections; 2 average weighted degree of connections; and 3 network density. The average degree of connections shows how many connections to other topics each topic in the network has on average. This measure can vary from 0 to N − 1, where N is the total number of topics in the network. Some correlations of topics are stronger and were assigned the Weight 2 or 3. These are included in the statistics of average weighted degree of connections, which shows us the variations in strength of existing connections between the topics. Network density is a proportion of existing links over the number of all potentially possible links between the topics. This measure varies from 0 = entirely disconnected topics to 1 = extremely dense network, where every topic is connected to every topic.

Table 2 shows that all network measures vary across the three periods. In Period 1, each topic had on average 21 links with other topics, while in Period 2, that number was much lower (11.5 links). In Period 3, the average degree of connections grew again, but not to the level of Period 1. The same trend is observed in the strength of these links—in Period 1, the correlations between the topics were stronger than in Period 3, while they were the weakest in Period 2. The density of the topic networks was highest in Period 1 (0.4), then in Period 2, the topic network became sparser before densifying again in Period 3 (but not to the extent of Period 1’s density).

Topic network statistics

These fluctuations on network statistics indicate that in the years 1988–97, topics within the analysed field of migration studies were mentioned in the same articles and book chapters more often, while at the turn of the 21st century, these topic co-occurrences became less frequent; publications therefore became more specialised and topics were more isolated from each other. In the past 10 years, migration studies once again became more connected, the dialogues between the topics emerged more frequently. These are important observations about topical development in the field of migration studies. The reasons behind these changes require further, possibly more qualitative explanation.

To get a more in-depth view of the content of these topic networks, we made an overview of the changes in the topic clusters across the three periods. As we can see in Fig. 10 , some changes emerge in terms of the prominence of various clusters. The two largest clusters (also by the number of topics within them) are migration-related diversity and migration processes. The cluster of migration-related diversity increased in its share of each period’s publications by around 20 per cent. This reflects our above remarks on the literature surrounding the integration debate, and the ‘cultural turn’ King mentions (2012). And the topic cluster migration processes also increased moderately its share.

Prominence and change in topic clusters 1988–2017.

Compared with the first period, the topic cluster of gender and family studies grew the fastest, with the largest growth observed in the turn of the century (relative to its original size). This suggests a growing awareness of gender and family-related aspects of migration although as a percentage of the total corpus it remains one the smallest clusters. Therefore, Massey et al.’s (1998) argument that households and gender represented a quantitatively significant pillar of migration research could be considered an overestimation. The cluster of health studies in migration research also grew significantly in the Period 2 although in Period 3, the percentage of publications in this cluster diminished. This suggests a rising awareness of health in relation to migration and diversity (see Sweileh et al., 2018 ) although this too remains one of the smallest clusters.

The cluster on Immigrant incorporation lost prominence the most over the past 30 years. This seems to resonate with the argument that ‘integrationism’ or the ‘integration paradigm’ was rather in the late 1990s (see Favell, 2003 ; Dahinden, 2016 ) and is losing its prominence. A somewhat slower but steady loss was also observed in the cluster of Geographies of migration and Migration research and statistics. This also suggests not only a decreasing emphasis on demographics within migration studies, but also a decreasing reflexivity in the development of the field and the focus on theory-building.

We will now go into more detail and show the most connected topics and top 10 most prominent topics in each period. Figures 11–13 show the network maps of topics in each period. The size of circles reflects the number and strength of links per each topic: the bigger the size, the more connected this topic is to the others; the biggest circles indicate the most connected topics. While the prominence of a topic is measured by the number of publications on that topic, it is important to note that the connectedness the topic has nothing necessarily to do with the amount of publications on that topic; in theory, a topic could appear in many articles without any reference to other topics (which would mean that it is prominent but isolated).

Topic network in 1988–97. Note: Numbers indicate topics' numerical ids, see Table 1 for topics' names.

Topic network in 1998–2007. Note: Numbers indicate topics' numerical ids, see Table 1 for topics' names.

Topic network in 2008–2017. Note: Numbers indicate topics' numerical ids, see Table 1 for topics' names.

Thus, in the section below, we describe the most connected and most prominent topics in migration research per period. The degree of connectedness is a useful indicator of the extent to which we can speak of a ‘field’ of migration research. If topics are well-connected, especially in a context of increased knowledge production and changes in prominence among topics, then this would suggest that a shared conceptual and theoretical language exists.

6.1 Period 1: 1988–97

The five central topics with the highest degree of connectedness (the weighted degree of connectedness of these topics was above 60) were ‘black studies’, ‘mobilities’, ‘ICT, media and migration’, ‘migration in/from Israel and Palestine’, and ‘intra-EU mobility’. These topics are related to geopolitical regions, ethnicity, and race. The high degree of connectedness of these topics shows that ‘they often occurred together with other topics in the analysed abstracts from this period’. This is expected because research on migration and diversity inevitably discusses its subject within a certain geographical, political, or ethnic scope. Geographies usually appear in abstracts as countries of migrants’ origin or destination. The prominence of ‘black studies’ reflects the dominance of American research on diversity, which was most pronounced in this period ( Fig. 11 ).

The high degree of connectedness of the topics on ICT and ‘media’ is indicative of wider societal trends in the 1990s. As with any new phenomenon, it clearly attracted the attention of researchers who wanted to understand its relationship with migration issues.

Among the top 10 topics with the most publications in this period (see Supplementary Data B) were those describing the characteristics of migration flows (first) and migration populations (third). It goes in line with the trends of the most connected topics described above. Interest in questions of migrants’ socio-economic position (fourth) in the receiving societies and discussion on ‘labour migration’ (ninth) were also prevalent. Jointly, these topics confirm that in the earlier years, migration was ‘studied often from the perspectives of economics and demographics’ ( van Dalen, 2018 ).

Topics, such as ‘education and language training’ (second), community development’ (sixth), and ‘intercultural communication’ (eighth), point at scholarly interest in the issues of social cohesion and socio-cultural integration of migrants. This lends strong support to Favell’s ‘integration paradigm’ argument about this period and suggests that the coproduction of knowledge between research and policy was indeed very strong ( Scholten, 2011 ). This is further supported by the prominence of the topic ‘governance of migration’ (seventh), reflecting the evolution of migration and integration policymaking in the late 1980s and beginning of the 1990s, exemplified by the development of the Schengen area and the EU more widely; governance of refugee flows from the Balkan region (also somewhat represented in the topic ‘southern-European migration’, which was the 10th most prominent); and governance of post-Soviet migration. Interestingly, this is the only period in which ‘migration histories’ is among the top 10 topics, despite the later establishment of a journal dedicated to the very discipline of history. Together these topics account for 42 per cent of all migration studies publications in that period of time.

6.2 Period 2: 1998–2007

In the second period, as the general degree of connectedness in the topic networks decreased, the following five topics maintained a large number of connections in comparison to others, as their average weighted degree of connections ranged between 36 and 57 ties. The five topics were ‘migration in/from Israel and Palestine’, ‘black studies’, ‘Asian migration’, ‘religious diversity’, and ‘migration, sexuality, and health’ ( Fig. 12 ).

Here we can observe the same geographical focus of the most connected topics, as well as the new trends in the migration research. ‘Asian migration’ became one of the most connected topics, meaning that migration from/to and within that region provoked more interest of migration scholars than in the previous decade. This development appears to be in relation to high-skill migration, in one sense, because of its strong connections with the topics ‘Asian expat migration’ and ‘ICT, media, and migration’; and, in another sense, in relation to the growing Muslim population in Europe thanks to its strong connection to ‘religious diversity’. The high connectedness of the topic ‘migration sexuality and health’ can be explained by the dramatic rise of the volume of publications within the clusters ‘gender and family’ studies and ‘health’ in this time-frame as shown in the charts on page 13, and already argued by Portes (1997) .

In this period, ‘identity narratives’ became the most prominent topic (see Supplementary Data B), which suggests increased scholarly attention on the subjective experiences of migrants. Meanwhile ‘migrant flows’ and ‘migrant demographics’ decreased in prominence from the top 3 to the sixth and eighth position, respectively. The issues of education and socio-economic position remained prominent. The emergence of topics ‘migration and diversity in (higher) education’ (fifth) and ‘cultural diversity’ (seventh) in the top 10 of this period seem to reflect a shift from integrationism to studies of diversity. The simultaneous rise of ‘migration theory’ (to fourth) possibly illustrates the debates on methodological nationalism which emerged in the early 2000s. The combination of theoretical maturity and the intensified growth in the number of migration journals at the turn of the century suggests that the field was becoming institutionalised.

Overall, the changes in the top 10 most prominent topics seem to show a shifting attention from ‘who’ and ‘what’ questions to ‘how’ and ‘why’ questions. Moreover, the top 10 topics now account only for 26 per cent of all migration studies (a 15 per cent decrease compared with the period before). This means that there were many more topics which were nearly as prominent as those in the top 10. Such change again supports our claim that in this period, there were more intensive ‘sub-field’ developments in migration studies than in the previous period.

6.3 Period 3: 2008–17

In the last decade, the most connected topics have continued to be: ‘migration in/from Israel and Palestine’, ‘Asian migration’, and ‘black studies’. The hypothetical reasons for their central position in the network of topics are the same as in the previous period. The new most-connected topics—‘Conflicts, violence, and migration’, together with the topic ‘Religious diversity’—might indicate to a certain extent the widespread interest in the ‘refugee crisis’ of recent years ( Fig. 13 ).

The publications on the top 10 most prominent topics constituted a third of all migration literature of this period analysed in our study. A closer look at them reveals the following trends (see Supplementary Data B for details). ‘Mobilities’ is the topic of the highest prominence in this period. Together with ‘diasporas and transnationalism’ (fourth), this reflects the rise of critical thinking on methodological nationalism ( Wimmer and Glick Schiller, 2002 ) and the continued prominence of transnationalism in the post-‘mobility turn’ era ( Urry (2007) , cited in King, 2012 ).

The interest in subjective experiences of migration and diversity has continued, as ‘identity narratives’ continues to be prominent, with the second highest proportion of publications, and as ‘Discrimination and socio-psychological issues’ have become the eighth most prominent topic. This also echoes an increasing interest in the intersection of (mental) health and migration (cf. Sweileh et al., 2018 ).

The prominence of the topics ‘human rights law and protection’ (10th) and ‘governance of migration and diversity’ (9th), together with ‘conflicts, violence, and migration’ being one of the most connected topics, could be seen as a reflection of the academic interest in forced migration and asylum. Finally, in this period, the topics ‘race and racism’ (fifth) and ‘black studies’ (seventh) made it into the top 10. Since ‘black studies’ is also one of the most connected topics, such developments may reflect the growing attention to structural and inter-personal racism not only in the USA, perhaps reflecting the #blacklivesmatter movement, as well as in Europe, where the idea of ‘white Europeanness’ has featured in much public discourse.

6.4 Some hypotheses for further research

Why does the connectedness of topics change across three periods? In an attempt to explain these changes, we took a closer look at the geographical distribution of publications in each period. One of the trends that may at least partially explain the loss of connectedness between the topics in Period 2 could be related to the growing internationalisation of English language academic literature linked to a sharp increase in migration-focussed publications during the 1990s.

Internationalisation can be observed in two ways. First, the geographies of English language journal publications have become more diverse over the years. In the period 1988–97, the authors’ institutional affiliations spanned 57 countries. This increased to 72 in 1998–2007, and then to 100 in 2007–18 (we counted only those countries which contained at least 2 publications in our dataset). Alongside this, even though developed Anglophone countries (the USA, Canada, Australia, the UK, Ireland, and New Zealand) account for the majority of publications of our overall dataset, the share of publications originating from non-Anglophone countries has increased over time. In 1988–97, the number of publications from non-Anglophone European (EU+EEA) countries was around 13 per cent. By 2008–17, this had significantly increased to 28 per cent. Additionally, in the rest of the world, we observe a slight proportional increase from 9.5 per cent in the first period to 10.6 per cent in the last decade. Developed Anglophone countries witness a 16 per cent decrease in their share of all articles on migration. The trends of internationalisation illustrated above, combined with the loss of connectedness at the turn of the 21st century, seem to indicate that English became the lingua-franca for academic research on migration in a rather organic manner.

It is possible that a new inflow of ideas came from the increased number of countries publishing on migration whose native language is not English. This rise in ‘competition’ might also have catalysed innovation in the schools that had longer established centres for migration studies. Evidence for this lies in the rise in prominence of the topic ‘migration theory’ during this period. It is also possible that the expansion of the European Union and its research framework programmes, as well as the Erasmus Programmes and Erasmus Mundus, have perhaps brought novel, comparative, perspectives in the field. All this together might have created fruitful soil for developing unique themes and approaches, since such approaches in theory lead to more success and, crucially, more funds for research institutions.

This, however, cannot fully explain why in Period 3 the field became more connected again, other than that the framework programmes—in particular framework programme 8, Horizon 2020—encourage the building of scientific bridges, so to speak. Our hypothesis is thus that after the burst of publications and ideas in Period 2, scholars began trying to connect these new themes and topics to each other through emergent international networks and projects. Perhaps even the creation and work of the IMISCOE (2004-) and NOMRA (1998-) networks contributed to this process of institutionalisation. This, however, requires much further thought and exploration, but for now, we know that the relationship between the growth, the diversification, and the connectedness in this emergent research field is less straightforward than we might previously have suggested. This begs for further investigation perhaps within a sociology of science framework.

This article offers an inductive mapping of the topical focus of migration studies over a period of more than 30 years of development of the research field. Based on the literature, we expected to observe increasing diversity of topics within the field and increasing fragmentation between the topics, also in relation to the rapid growth in volume and internationalisation of publications in migration studies. However, rather than growth and increased diversity leading to increased fragmentation, our analysis reveals a complex picture of a rapidly growing field where the diversity of topics has remained relatively stable. Also, even as the field has internationalised, it has retained its overall connectedness, albeit with a slight and temporary fragmentation at the turn of the century. In this sense, we can argue that migration studies have indeed come of age as a distinct research field.

In terms of the volume of the field of migration studies, our study reveals an exponential growth trajectory, especially since the mid-1990s. This involves both the number of outlets and the number of publications therein. There also seems to be a consistent path to internationalisation of the field, with scholars from an increasing number of countries publishing on migration, and a somewhat shrinking share of publications from Anglo-American countries. However, our analysis shows that this has not provoked an increased diversity of topics in the field. Instead, the data showed that there have been several important shifts in terms of which topics have been most prominent in migration studies. The field has moved from focusing on issues of demographics, statistics, and governance, to an increasing focus on mobilities, migration-related diversity, gender, and health. Also, interest in specific geographies of migration seems to have decreased.

These shifts partially resonated with the expectations derived from the literature. In the 1980s and 1990s, we observed the expected widespread interest in culture, seen in publications dealing primarily with ‘education and language training’, ‘community development’, and ‘intercultural communication’. This continued to be the case at the turn of the century, where ‘identity narratives’ and ‘cultural diversity’ became prominent. The expected focus on borders in the periods ( Pedraza-Bailey, 1990 ) was represented by the high proportion of research on the ‘governance of migration’, ‘migration flows’, and in the highly connected topic ‘intra-EU mobility’. Following Portes (1997) , we expected ‘transnational communities’, ‘states and state systems’, and the ‘new second generation’ to be key themes for the ‘new century’. Transnationalism shifts attention away from geographies of migration and nation–states, and indeed, our study shows that ‘geographies of migration’ gave way to ‘mobilities’, the most prominent topic in the last decade. This trend is supported by the focus on ‘diasporas and transnationalism’ and ‘identity narratives’ since the 2000s, including literature on migrants’ and their descendants’ dual identities. These developments indicate a paradigmatic shift in migration studies, possibly caused by criticism of methodological nationalism. Moreover, our data show that themes of families and gender have been discussed more in the 21st century, which is in line with Portes’ predictions.

The transition from geographies to mobilities and from the governance of migration to the governance of migration-related diversity, race and racism, discrimination, and social–psychological issues indicates a shifting attention in migration studies from questions of ‘who’ and ‘what’ towards ‘how’ and ‘why’. In other words, a more nuanced understanding of the complexity of migration processes and consequences emerges, with greater consideration of both the global and the individual levels of analysis.

However, this complexification has not led to thematic fragmentation in the long run. We did not find a linear trend towards more fragmentation, meaning that migration studies have continued to be a field. After an initial period of high connectedness of research mainly coming from America and the UK, there was a period with significantly fewer connections within migration studies (1998–2007), followed by a recovery of connectedness since then, while internationalisation has continued. What does this tell us?

We may hypothesise that the young age of the field and the tendency towards methodological nationalism may have contributed to more connectedness in the early days of migration studies. The accelerated growth and internationalisation of the field since the late 1990s may have come with an initial phase of slight fragmentation. The increased share of publications from outside the USA may have caused this, as according to Massey et al. (1998) , European migration research was then more conceptually dispersed than across the Atlantic. The recent recovery of connectedness could then be hypothesised as an indicator of the field’s institutionalisation, especially at the European level, and growing conceptual and theoretical development. As ‘wisdom comes with age’, this may be an indication of the ‘coming of age’ of migration studies as a field with a shared conceptual and theoretical foundation.

The authors would like to thank the three anonymous reviewers for their constructive feedback, as well as dr. J.F. Alvarado for his advice in the early stages of work on this article.

This research is associated with the CrossMigration project, funded by the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the grant agreement Ares(2017) 5627812-770121.

Conflict of interest statement . None declared.

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The plight of migrants during COVID-19 and the impact of circular migration in India: a systematic review

• Joshy Jesline   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-5774-8149 1 ,
• John Romate   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-0487-7849 1 ,
• Eslavath Rajkumar   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-3012-0391 1 &
• Allen Joshua George   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-9662-9863 1  

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As per the reports of WHO, the COVID-19, first reported in December 2019, put the whole world in an unprecedented crisis and lingering uncertainty with innumerable deaths, generalised economic depression, unemployment, quarantine, unavoidable lockdown, and travel-ban that was imposed globally as a necessity to tackle the pandemic. Among the populace, the migrants were found to be one of the most vulnerable groups in this lockdown, as their very livelihood came to a complete standstill. This review-paper aims to investigate in detail the multiple facets of adversities the migrants went through in India during the lockdown and the socio-psychological impact of circular migration. Following the PRISMA (Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses) guidelines, studies on migrant workers during COVID-19 and on circular migration were searched. Database searches on Scopus, PubMed, and PsychNet and manual searches on Google Scholar were carried out. From the initially identified 15,697 articles, 15 articles that met the inclusion criteria were chosen for review. The findings highlight the different plight of the migrants, who had the pressing need to head back home to safety despite the acute financial crisis and the travel problems. The poor quality of the relief camps with meagre rations and lack of facilities especially put the women and children in distress and generated a lot of psychosocial issues. The present study urges the mental health-care professionals to groom themselves for facing the challenges of a surge in mental illnesses by taking necessary measures. It also emphasises the need to establish a strong ethical alliance between the local population, health systems, local government mechanisms, and human rights associations in order to take a relook at the national migration policies.

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Dimensions of wellbeing and recognitional justice of migrant workers during the covid-19 lockdown in kerala, india, introduction.

The year 2019 brought with it a new pandemic, the COVID-19 that was first reported in the month of December as per the reports from World Health Organisation, and put the whole world in an unprecedented crisis, that has pushed it into a state of lingering uncertainty (WHO, 2020 ). The coronavirus disease 2019, commonly known as the COVID-19 pandemic, a corollary of severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus-2 infection, has led to a global public health crisis, innumerable deaths, generalised economic depression, redundancy, and quarantines (Aragona et al., 2020 ). The virus brought about a massive change to the existing systems and generated a whirlpool of hurdles that the people had never faced before or had no idea how to overcome. This eventually created overwhelming fear and mounting anxiety among the people due to the novelty of the crisis, the uncertainty it brought with it about how and when the situation will get back to normal, as well as the dread of an impending doom (Mishra and Sayeed, 2020 ). One of the biggest challenges was the complete lack of an effective treatment method or a preventive vaccine to overcome the virus (Rolland, 2020 ). To make matters worse, the pandemic affected people not only physically but also psychologically, economically, socially, and politically. People belonging to various socio-economic strata were affected adversely in this situation, regardless of their social status, as everyone had fallen prey to this crisis in one way or another. It is undeniably true that the life in the pandemic era effected a far-reaching change in the way people think, work and interact with one another around the world (Aragona et al., 2020 ). What is more, it has also taught the world the new normal ways of human relationships and social distancing, which are sure to linger on for quite a while (Ram, 2020 ; Rolland, 2020 ). It has also provided the world a lesson about the worthlessness of the rat race and the fragility of human life. It is certainly true that the pandemic has led the world to a paradigm shift in the attitude and behaviour of people as never before.

The pandemic brought with it lockdowns and travel-bans that were imposed by the governments all over the world as a necessity to tackle the pandemic and to rein in its outspread. However, the lockdown upset the daily routines of the people especially the working class who were put in a major financial predicament (Chander et al., 2020 ). A new normalcy of surviving in a state of constant panic came into place, with the people being asked to live in this uncertainty for a longer duration than what was anticipated in the beginning of the pandemic. A batch of novel practices came into existence as part of rigorous mitigation efforts, such as, “social distancing, household quarantine, facemasks, vigilant sanitisation and hand washing, and avoidance of public gatherings, public transportation etc.” (Rolland, 2020 ). As time passed and the situation became worse, the pandemic has slowly unmasked its harsh reality and people have started grasping this truth that the current state of the situation is going to last longer than what was presumed of it in the beginning, and this has affected them rather drastically. The transformational process of adapting to this pandemic risk as a public or global calamity, while dealing with the fear of contracting COVID-19, and managing the disease, is highly exhausting and not doable by all (Rolland, 2020 ).

The daily wagers were the worst sufferers of this lockdown. With the enforcement of the lockdown, not only were they without jobs but also were frustrated because of the cessation of their daily income on which they survived (Ram, 2020 ). Their very livelihood came to a complete standstill; as a result, they could not meet theirs as well as their families’ daily needs (Chakma, 2020 ). The migrants were found to be the most vulnerable among the working class to come under this economy fallout (Nanda, 2020 ). The situation affected people belonging to all classes; moreover, it has exposed in the bare open the blatant disparities that exist in the socio-economic and health-care facilities (Aragona et al., 2020 ). In addition, it has been found that the perils of sickness and deaths vary colossally by “social location, such as, race, social class, gender, age, ability, and geographic location” (Rolland, 2020 ). There were many reported cases of suicide and suicidal attempts especially by people from economically lower classes, as they were not able to cope with the problems stemming from the loss of job and income (Kumar and Vashisht, 2009 ; Mukhra, 2020 ; Nelson, 2020 ).

In addition, the mental strain this pandemic imposed on the common people was especially enormous. One such group that was highly and adversely affected by this crisis situation was the migrants, who had to move out to different parts of the country in search of jobs to sustain their families (Singh, 2020a , 2020b , 2020c ). There are about 100 million internal migrant workers in India, and most of them are daily-wage labourers who have travelled out from different states like Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand, Odisha, West Bengal, etc. to other states in search of unskilled or semi-skilled jobs (Hazarika, 2020). Based on the data obtained from the National Sample Survey (NSS) 2007–2008, out of the total workforce in India, about 28.3% were migrants. According to 2011 census, about 37% of India’s total population were found to be migrants (Singh, 2021 ). This was a climb of 139 million migrants from what was reported in 2001 census (Census of India, 2011 ; Singh, 2020a , 2020b , 2020c ).

These migrants too were trapped in the lockdown with no jobs and no money, facing major economic setback, besides being isolated from their families due to the sudden lockdown (Mishra and Sayeed, 2020 ). While India’s population of 1.3 billion people could not but come to terms with the changes of imposed social distancing, millions of migrant workers in India had other daunting tasks also to confront with (Londhe, 2020 ). The concept of social distancing bears no meaning for the migrants because of the persistence of even more pressing and nagging problems of insecurity and hunger. Based on the data obtained from Census 2011, it was found that there was a rise in total number of migrants by 30% from that of 2001, whose major destinations are growth centres and states like Delhi, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh and Kerala (Census of India, 2011 ; Dandekar and Ghai, 2020 ; Nanda, 2020 ). Even though, the lockdown situation affected the community at large and people were obliged to stay at home, the migrants could not even be in the comfort of being locked in with their families; instead, they were destined to be stuck in a migrant land with no means to survive (Kumar et al., 2020 ). Therefore, this community had to endure more appalling hardships than anyone else, not only financially but also socially and mentally (Aragona et al., 2020 ; Singh, 2020a , 2020b , 2020 c).

In order to alleviate the suffering of migrants it is necessary to investigate, understand, and analyse the hardships they have been undergoing. In-depth explorations of the studies in the Indian context dealing with circular migration and their psychological impact are needed to foster greater awareness among the public and to introduce new measures that can be adopted to safeguard the rights of the migrants.

This review-paper aims to study in detail the multiple facets of the predicaments the migrant workers were going through in the Indian context during the pandemic and the lockdown. Its main objective is to focus on the hardships that have led the migrants to a circular migration or reverse migration and the adversities that have been brought about by circular migration during the pandemic upon the migrants. The study also aims to shed light on the psychological toll inflicted by this pandemic on the migrants and the resultant reverse migration. Furthermore, it focuses on the means to address the issues concerning their mental health-care, and makes recommendations on the measures to protect their human rights and safeguard their lives and livelihood.

To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this is the first systematic review that has specifically focused on the plight of the migrant workers during the pandemic and the issues revolving around circular migration in the Indian context. The consequences of this pandemic have put the world in a state of impending doom and therefore, there is a compelling need to address the situation especially of the migrants who are among the groups, which are most affected by the adverse outcomes of COVID-19 and subsequent restrictions on mobility. A systematic review helps to synthesise the data related to this from all available sources and to integrate them in order to efficiently reach and promote awareness among health-care professionals, policy makers, administrative staff, future researchers, and the general public. The findings of this study could therefore be used for formulating new strategies for the betterment of migrant workers.

Types of studies included

Studies on migration and circular migration of Indians during the COVID-19 crisis were considered to be included in the current systematic review, regardless of the type of study, research design, or the outcomes. However, studies on emigrants, immigrants, and migrants in other countries were excluded from the study.

Subjects of the study

The population for the study were unskilled migrant workers in India, who were among the most affected during the lockdown due to their low socio-economic status, besides being increasingly prone to mental health issues.

Search strategy

The search string used in Scopus was: TITLE-ABS-KEY (“circular migration”) OR TITLE-ABS-KEY (migration) OR TITLE-ABS-KEY (migrant) AND TITLE-ABS-KEY (covid) OR TITLE-ABS-KEY (covid-19); in PsychNET (Abstract: “circular migration” OR Abstract: “migration” OR Abstract: “migrant” AND Abstract: “covid” OR Abstract: “covid-19” AND Publication); and in PubMed (“circular migration” [Title/Abstract] OR “migration” [Title/Abstract] OR “migrant” [Title/Abstract]) AND “covid” [Title/Abstract]) OR “covid-19” [Title/Abstract]).

Data management

All pinpointed references were imported to Zotero, a bibliographic reference management tool, and all duplicates were removed. The de-duplicated citations in Zotero were imported to the data extraction form for coding.

Selection of studies

The first and third authors simultaneously screened the articles for the titles and abstracts and did the initial screening and data extraction independently. Articles that dealt with the plight of migrant workers during COVID-19 pandemic were included for the full text review. After the primary screening, the selected articles were reviewed for full text reading to determine their eligibility. The articles were selected if they were falling under the time-period of 2019–20 and discussed the plight of migrants during the lockdown and also addressed their psychological issues during this crisis in the Indian context. Final decision on the eligibility and the reasons for exclusion of studies were documented on the data extraction form.

Study characteristics

The final sample for the systematic review included 15 studies, which were all published in the year 2020. Most of the studies were descriptive and qualitative in nature ( n  = 12) and discussed the plight of the migrants and the various adversities encountered by them in India during the lockdown, while the others ( n  = 3) were quantitative in nature that addressed in-depth the psychological issues faced by the migrants. All the articles were based on the Indian context, and most of the articles were pan Indian in their approach, while some articles ( n  = 4) focused on conditions of migrants in their respective states or cities alone, specifically Chandigarh, Delhi, Bangalore and Kolkata. The articles discussed the various economic, social and psychological issues faced by the migrants. Some articles ( n  = 8) also elaborated on the steps taken by the government and made suggestions about policies that can be adopted to better the lives of the migrants. Among this, some studies ( n  = 3) also focused on making psychological interventions to help the migrants (Chander et al., 2020 ; Singh, 2020a , 2020b , 2020 c; Kumar et al., 2020 ).

The characteristics and main findings of these studies are summarised and presented in Table 1 .

Identification of the studies

In total, 15,697 studies were detected through database searching; among which 15 studies met the inclusion criteria and were further analysed for the present review. (The PRISMA flow diagram is shown in Fig. 1 ). Out of the 15,697 studies, 450 were from PsychNet, 14,988 were from PubMed, 229 from Scopus and 30 from Google Scholar. After the initial screening (which included the removal of duplicates), 106 articles were selected and assessed for eligibility, from which 91 studies were excluded and the final 15 were selected.

Stages involved in finalizing the articles for analysis after obtaining the data.

Distribution of migrants

Based on the data obtained in the Census 2011, it was found that the distribution of migrants to the total population across cities were, Delhi 43.1%, Mumbai, 54.9%, Kolkata 40.8%, Chennai 51.8%, Bangalore 52.3%, Hyderabad 64.3%, Ahmedabad 48.7% and Pune 64.8% (Census of India, 2011 ). As per the reports from a study, it was found that the highest number of COVID-19 cases as of 13 th April 2020 was reported in Delhi with 898 cases followed by Mumbai with 880. The share of COVID-19 cases from these metropolitan cities to the total percent was 38% (Bhagat et al., 2020 ).

Plight of migrants

All the studies focused on the various problems that the crisis has brought for the migrants, including the psychological and social issues. Out of the articles chosen for the current systematic review, the findings from a study (Kumar et al., 2020 ) on the psychological impact of the pandemic on the migrants ( n  = 98), revealed that about 63.3% of participants underwent loneliness and around 48% of them felt that there was a decrease in their social connectedness. Also, they found that roughly 50% experienced fear of death, around 58.2% individuals experienced frustration and tension, about 51% felt irritable and anxious, and three fourth of the participants were diagnosed with depression.

Statistics obtained from studies also suggested that almost only 4% of the total population of the migrants received rations that were allotted by the government, and 29% did not receive rations despite having ration cards (Farooqui and Pandey, 2020 ). Almost 90% of the migrants either faced loss of pay or a reduction in their salary (Shahare, 2020 ). International Labour Organization (ILO) estimated a decline of 22.6% in the wages of migrant workers post lockdown (Gothoskar, 2021 ). A survey conducted across 179 districts in India from May 30, 2020 to July 16, 2020 found that around 35% of the migrants went without any meal the whole day (Pandit, 2020 ).

The findings from some articles focused on circular migration and its adverse consequences ( n  = 5), while a few other articles reported the problems of discrimination faced by migrants belonging to the disadvantaged communities ( n  = 2). Some articles also emphasised the financial crisis created by this pandemic ( n  = 4), which was particularly acute for the migrants. All the studies shed light on the psychological issues faced by the migrants and among this, a few studies ( n  = 3) also suggested interventions for the migrants (Chander et al., 2020 ; Singh, 2020a , 2020b , 2020 c; Kumar et al., 2020 ). Many studies ( n  = 8) also pointed out the urgent need for revising the existing government-policies and taking new initiatives by the government for the betterment of the migrant workers.

Among the 15 studies, one study (Chander et al., 2020 ) reported visiting various spots across the city ( n  = 140), contacting around 5048 migrants and offering assistance to nearly 3944 migrants. In another study under the District Mental Health Program, Chandigarh, many migrants ( n  = 61) were attended to for their mental health issues and taken care of (Singh, 2020a , 2020b , 2020 c). In the same city, another study was carried out among migrants ( n  = 98), which found that the majority of the participants were facing one or the other mental health issues and made interventions on a limited scale (Kumar et al., 2020 ).

One of the key elements and an integral factor contributing to development among the human civilisation is migration (Nanda, 2020 ). Migration happens at both individual and community levels, and occurs due to multiple reasons such as the lookout for better job opportunities, improved living conditions and for enhanced productivity and thereby greater income (Raj, 1981 ; Shahare, 2020 ). Migration takes place based on the various vital resources that are available in the ecosystem (Ram, 2020 ). The practice of migration has happened from time immemorial and can be traced from the beginning of humanity, as it first existed in the form of nomads who moved in groups from one place to another in the lookout for better resources, and later on as invasions by various rulers (Rolland, 2020 ).

Migration is regarded as a continuous process that is common to all living beings (Virupaksha, 2014 ). There are two major types of migration: one that takes place within a country across a district or a state-border, which is known as internal or national migration; and the other a migration that involves crossing international borders, which is referred to as external or international migration (Bhagat, 2020a ). Migrants associated with these types of migration are called in-migrants and out-migrants respectively (Sinha, 2005 ). Further, based on the place of origin and destination, migration can be classified into four categories: (i) rural–rural, (ii) rural–urban, (iii) urban–urban and (iv) urban–rural (Amin, 2018 ; Kishore and Kiran, 2013 ). The types of labour migration can be broadly classified as (i) Permanent, (ii) Commuting, and (iii) Circular (Haas and Osland, 2014 ). Permanent refers to the situation when the migrant does not intend to return to their native lands. Commuting refers to the regular movement between an individual’s home and work, which is characterised by the separation between the workplace and residence (Colla et al., 2017 ). Circular migration is a situation where the migrants do not stay in the migrated lands forever but instead go back to their native lands after some time, and then might move again to a different place (Gomathi, 2014 ).

In general, the migrants go to their destinations to fulfil their livelihood/career aspirations and/or to satisfy their basic requirements, but they return to their places of origin after a certain period to settle down, which is a “circular” process (Ghosh, 1985 ). “Hence circular migration is viewed as a cyclic journey of the migrants, which encompasses with their living pattern in two worlds i.e., urban insecure employment and stable homeland” (Nanda, 2020 ).

According to the National Sample Survey (NSS) and the India Human Development Survey (IHDS), the migrant labourers are mainly from rural areas and come from very poor backgrounds and belong to the lower social classes like the Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST) and Other Backward Classes (OBC) (Shahare, 2020 ). According to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the inter-state migration in pursuit of an occupation every year around the world was estimated to be around 9 million, and this is acknowledged as “temporary, contingent and non-standard” in nature with minimal access to societal perks and labour privileges (Chander et al., 2020 , p.1). The administrative and socio-cultural barriers and the language differences in addition to geographical variance further hinder the process of migration (Aragona et al., 2020 ). The migrant workers are inclined to falling prey to adverse mental health impacts of various traumas created through interfaces of multiple factors such as, “abject poverty, malnutrition, cultural bereavement, loss of religious practices and social protection systems, malalignment with a new culture, coping with language difficulties, changes in identity, substance abuse, poor access to health-care, in addition to the poor living conditions and financial constraints”, as a result of migrating to a new state (Choudhari, 2020 , p. 5).

A large majority of the migrants are daily wagers who have low-income and poor living conditions that are dilapidated, unhygienic and scarce of basic amenities like clean water supply, and electricity (Kusuma et al., 2014 ). Most of the migrants are slum-dwellers with inadequate sanitation facilities and are forced to go for open defecation because of the lack of lavatories. As the migrants are not used to the food of the lands of their migration, many of them turn towards fast food centres, which deprives them of nutritious and healthy diets (Babu et al., 2017 ). The above-mentioned factors have made them susceptible to multiple physical and mental health problems (Chander et al., 2020 ). There are no government machinery, department, board or other direct administering body to address the grievances of these migrant workers; neither do they have any rights or privileges in the regions in which they work or in the villages to which they belong (Nirmala, 2020 ).

Upon the rise of the pandemic, the migrants were among the groups of victims who were acutely affected by the lockdown (Choudhari, 2020 ). These daily wagers are said to be the weakest and socially neglected community that forms the classic nobodies among Indian citizens (Shahare, 2020 ).

The migrants were trapped in their migrated lands, far away from their families and loved ones with minimal health-care facilities, poor living conditions, besides being devoid of a job and having no money or means to survive (Ram, 2020 ). The migrants are more likely to fall prey to various traumas emanating from all three domains- social, psychological, and emotional, which stem from the dread of being discriminated and ignored by the local community around them and the grave concerns that arise about the safety and comfort of their families in their native places (Kumar et al., 2020 ).

Circular migration, as a result of the pandemic, generated severe stress, tension, despair, addiction to substance use, and self-harm behaviour among the migrants. In addition, they had greater concerns that deeply affected them, such as, “uncertainty about the duration of the lockdown; desperate longing to travel and meet their families; fear of being abandoned/deserted by their employers; insecurity about job and income; acute distress that arose from their inability to look after the health issues of children and pregnant women” (Chander et al., 2020 , p. 2)

Desire to return to their homeland

Once the lockdown was implemented, the primary concern for most of the migrants was to return safely to their families. Being isolated from the families created more stress and tension among them and caused a lot of growing anxiety about the travel possibilities.

On 19th March 2020, the Indian Railways announced the sudden suspension of passenger trains and, as a consequence, there was a mass exodus of utterly terrified migrant workers. Thousands of migrant workers across Delhi and the National Capital Region (NCR) were seen carrying heavy baggage and wailing children walking on national highways, boarding tractors, and shoving each other around for seats in buses to leave for their homes. The government, upon understanding the problems of jobless migrants to access food and shelter, tried to reassure them by announcing an assistance by an extended scheme under the Prime Minister’s Garib Kalyan Yojana (PMGKY). This offered relief packages to the migrants and daily wagers with the aim of blocking any disruptions to their employment besides supporting small establishments. However, this initiative was not satisfactory, because despite these efforts of the government, a huge number of migrants spent restless nights without food, asylum and/or travel facilities (Nanda, 2020 ). Failure in the implementation of the government’s assurance to provide basic necessities such as food and water forced thousands of migrant labourers to flock to the city’s bus terminals (Singh, 2020a , 2020b , 2020 c). However, not everyone could get on a bus and leave for their homelands (Ram, 2020 ).

Since most of the public transport was suspended as part of COVID-19 safety precautions, the migrants were stuck at their place of work and felt completely miserable (Chander et al., 2020 ). Even though they were aware of the risks involved in travelling back to their hometowns, both for them and their families, most of them desperately longed to get back home. They believed that it would be comforting to be with their loved ones during this time of uncertainty of impending death and was increasingly impatient to travel back home. They yearned to go back, so much so that they were even willing to put up with the discomforts of the travel quarantine norms imposed by the government (Chander et al., 2020 ).

From surveys conducted by NGOs like Stranded Workers Action Network (SWAN), it was found that due to scarcity of money and food, many of the migrants had very little to eat and some were even on the brink of starvation (Staff, 2020 ; Shahare, 2020 ). Most of these migrants suffered hunger pangs and police brutality and hundreds of people died tragically enroute to their homelands during the pandemic (Santoshini, 2020 ).

Fear of losing job

As much intense was the desire of the migrants to go back to their families, so were their worries about losing their jobs. Millions of migrant labourers employed across various sectors like construction, agriculture, manufacturing, transport and other services were stuck in their migrant locations during the lockdown. Even those migrant labourers who did not lose their jobs, as they were employed in essential services, had to suffer from wage-cuts imposed by their employers. They were therefore worried over how they would meet their regular expenses like those on food, clothing, medicines and accommodation. For those who were away from their worksite for several days together, there was absolutely no job security, and this led to a mounting panic in them. On the other hand, those who lost their jobs had the additional worries about whether and how they could return to their hometowns. Owing to the prevailing travel restrictions and the non-availability of transport facilities, there was no certainty about whether and when they would be able to travel back. The dread of being forsaken by their employers and the creeping fear of being abandoned with no job, wages or place to stay was indeed a traumatic experience for them (Chander et al., 2020 ).

Financial distress

As per the certified employment valuation, Indian industries have millions of internal migrant staff who make significant contributions to the economy of India. (Deshingkar and Akter, 2009 ; Choudhari, 2020 ). Although India’s economic growth is dependent to a great extent on the cheap labour of such migrants who work for even less than the minimum wages, they remained unrewarded and obscure in Delhi and the National Capital Region (NCR), and were excluded from relief funds during the COVID-19 crisis (Shahare, 2020 ).

The International Labour Organization (2020) has observed that migrant labourers are the worst-hit by the current economic crisis. The costs of basic hygienic products necessary for individual security during the pandemic (such as detergents, soaps, sanitisers) have become prohibitively expensive and unaffordable for the migrants, because they were thrown out of their jobs and had no other sources of income (Srivastava, 2020 ). Many employers have either fired the migrant workers without any prior notice or have stopped paying them salaries. The financial crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic has inflicted severe difficulties for the lower income families in meeting the costs of food, clothing and medicines (Mishra and Sayeed, 2020 ). Adding to the financial woes of the migrants, the NITI Aayog (a public policy think-tank of the Government of India) reduced food subsidies from 75 to 60% in rural areas and from 50 to 40% in urban areas (Gothoskar, 2021 ). Studies done on earlier recessions (Kumar et al., 2020 ) have pointed out that the work-loss during an economic crisis often leads to “longstanding unemployment and wage impediments, deteriorating or worsening the health of unemployed workers and thereby increasing poverty” (Khanna, 2020 , p. 3–4).

Quality of the relief camps

Not all migrants could travel back to their homelands before the lockdown. All those who were left behind were allotted food and accommodation by the government (Singh et al., 2020 ). Numerous labourers had to remain in extremely tiny and congested rooms with nearly nothing to live on. Seven to eight individuals were confined in a tiny room with practically no ventilation, and no appropriate space to cook food (Shahare, 2020 ).

In majority of the relief camps there were no essential facilities such as power, light, fan, latrines and water, and most of them were absolutely packed, and the old occupants were not permitting new ones to come in. Consequently, there were a lot of fights, maltreatments and bullying among the migrant groups (Shahare, 2020 ).

The anxiety of catching the disease, as described in the words of a Dalit migrant as a personal experience account was such, “that we were scared that we might get infected with the virus because there was a COVID-19 positive patient in my neighbouring street … we did not want to stay anymore in Mumbai because we were anxious of getting the infection through using the public toilet or sharing food because we lived in a slum and we don’t have separate toilet and housing; thus we decided that now we shall return to our village” (Pankaj, 2020 , p. 5). Although the government had allotted food and shelter for the migrants, it was found that in most of the shelter homes and relief camps people did not receive sufficient quantity and quality food on time. They had to wait for three to four hours in long queues since morning for their meals. Thousands of calls related to scarcity of food were made to the police from these camps on a daily basis (Shahare, 2020 ).

Shortages in the allotted rations

The report by SWAN that was released on 15th April 2020, stated that, “only 51%, of who were surveyed, had rations left for less than one day” (Farooqui and Pandey, 2020 ). It further observed that, “two weeks into the lockdown, only 1% of the stranded workers had received rations from the government, and three weeks into the lockdown, 96% of the migrants had not received rations from the government at all, 70% had not received any cooked food, 78% had less than Rs.300 left with them and 89% had not been paid by their employers at all during the lockdown” (Shahare, 2020 , p. 6). The distribution of rations was on the basis of the person possessing a ration card, but most of the migrants did not have a permanent residence or necessary legal documents, and therefore were unable to get a ration card.

This distribution system became faulty due to the lack of an inter-state portable ration cards acceptable in all states. The impact of this problem has got aggravated, as a large section of the migrants neither have a valid ID proof nor have been registered under any special schemes set up for them. Although the government has enacted the Inter-State Migrant Workmen Act, 1979 to facilitate the lives and work of migrant labourers, it has remained ineffective due to poor implementation, as per the reports of the Standing Committee on Labour (PRS India, 2020).

An article in The New Indian Express , published on 29 March 2020, reported that about 200 migrant workers belonging to the Soliga tribe were stranded at coffee estates in a village of Kodagu (formerly known as Coorg) district in the Indian state of Karnataka and were running out of food and were living in awful conditions (Chakma, 2020 ). On the publication of this article, the government of Karnataka reached out to them and distributed rations of rice and pluses and other necessary food products like eggs, ghee and edible oil to the tribal families (Chakma, 2020 ).

The Delhi Government has developed shelter homes, quarantine homes and relief camps for the migrants and are taking care of about 600,000 individuals, besides providing food to more than 2.2 million migrants under their Free Ration Scheme, facilitated by the One Nation One Ration Card Scheme of the Government of India. Despite this, millions of migrants are still excluded from these schemes and have not received any help from the Government (Mukhra, 2020 ).

Insufficient health-care facilities

The migrant population including mothers, children, and pregnant women, were deeply apprehensive about their well-being, and had serious concerns about their health inside the shelter homes. This group at large was already predisposed to communicable diseases due to their malnutrition, socio-economic status, occupational hazards, and the poor living conditions (Choudhari, 2020 ). The deplorable conditions in the relief camps prevented them from following any basic safety precautions like practising social distancing, regular washing of hands, use of sanitiser and masks, that each individual was required to do as part of the standard procedure for fighting COVID-19. Unfortunately, practising these measures was extremely difficult or impossible in their crowded and ill-equipped camp-accommodations, and this has put the group at great risk of contracting the disease (Andrade, 2020 ; Chander et al., 2020 ). Even the symptoms of common cold, such as “fever, cough and throat pain” among the people were feared as Covid-infections, which threw everyone into a panic and caused a lot of bitter resentment amongst those living in the community (Chander et al., 2020 ).

Hardships of women in the camps

Female migrant workers confronted daunting challenges while living along with unknown men in these shelter homes. One major problem was in using the common toilets with them, which was highly unhygienic and likely to cause infections under the prevailing pandemic conditions. There was no privacy or protection available for the women during day or night. The plight of pregnant women was particularly miserable as they were greatly inconvenienced in these camps and shelter-homes. There were no facilities for regular medical check-up by doctors or for taking scans or conducting the necessary tests.

It was found in one of the surveys that nearly 42% of the pregnant migrant women did not receive any medical check-ups during the lockdown (Pandit, 2020 ). All these were highly disconcerting for the women who were forced to live in these camps (Shahare, 2020 ).

Withdrawal symptoms

Majority of the migrants use one or the other type of substances such as tobacco or alcohol. Therefore, the non-availability of these products during the lockdown has led to severe withdrawal symptoms in many of them. In a study conducted in Bangalore (Chander et al., 2020 ) a few migrants spoke out that they all have become “sober” due to non-availability of alcohol and other substances. Some of them even spoke about their withdrawal issues, which caused a lot of frustration in them and resulted in relationship problems, domestic violence, and psychiatric illnesses. Heavier alcohol usage and criminal sexual behaviour have been reported in communities of predominantly single men compared to those living with their families.

Psychological issues

The poor living conditions of the migrants the shortages for the basic necessities have caused severe mental stress to many of them, which got manifested in their lives in the form of relationship problems, substance abuse, alcoholism, sexual exploitation, domestic violence, and psychiatric illnesses (NACP III, 2007 ; Kumar et al., 2020 ). Adding further to the burden of the awful shock wave of physical distress caused by the pandemic, there was a gigantic wave of psychological issues among migrant labourers, with deaths due to suicides as its lead sign (Singh, 2020a , 2020b , 2020 c). Suicidal tendencies were provoked among the migrants, as they lived constantly under severe financial worries, loneliness, anxiety, fear, and feelings of hopelessness and isolation (Choudhari, 2020 ). The constant fear of an impending doom of a completely dark future has further intensified their psychological distress and discomfort.

With the imposition of the lockdown, not all were able to go back to their homelands. Instead, they were stranded in the migrant lands with no income but only uncertainty about travelling back home, which made them mentally disturbed and agitated (Singh, 2020a , 2020b , 2020 c). As all the workplaces were shut down, there was an increasing panic about whether and when they would be reopened. Even if the workplaces are reopened, there was no guarantee that all the former employees would be hired back. There was a lingering fear in the minds of these displaced workers that the recession in the aftermath of the pandemic would result in large scale firing of employees. This fear and distress accompanied the migrants who travelled to their native lands and at the same time restrained some of them from going back to their native lands (Nanda, 2020 ).

The living conditions of the migrants also induced distress and concern as they were heavily crammed up and unhygienic, which was the complete opposite of an ideal place to be in during the pandemic. The fear and agony of living in such harsh conditions and the lingering uncertainty about the future gave rise to many psychiatric issues among them, such as anxiety disorders and substance abuse. In a study on migrants, it was found that there is increased risk for the manifestation of schizophrenia and related non affective psychosis among first- and second-generation migrants (Henssler et al., 2019 ). As most of the migrants belonged to the socio-economically backward classes, they are subjected to much inequity and prejudice from the people in the migrant lands, and were never able to fit in with the new surroundings. Studies from the clinical psychology perspective have found that experiencing discrimination and social exclusion has led to increased rates of psychotic experiences among migrants (Mishra and Sayeed, 2020 ).

In most of the cases of the migrants, the absence of a caretaker or a family member with them has caused an unceasing feeling of loneliness and frustration (Zhou et al., 2020 ). There was also a continuous feeling of helplessness caused by their inability to meet the livelihood and health requirements of their families, living away in their homelands. This has greatly deepened their agony of being stuck far away from home (Choudhari, 2020 ).

Apart from causing harmful effects on the body, the virus has the ability to inflict longstanding psychological disorders such as “depression, anxiety, panic disorder, and psychosomatic manifestations” (Qiu et al., 2020 , p. 2). There were several reported attempts of self-harm and suicides by the migrants (Singh, 2020a , 2020b , 2020 c). The pathetic situation they are in and the ambiguity about the extent of the crisis created a panic response among the migrants and made them act out frantically. The nagging anxiety levels that were mounting among the masses day by day led them to set out on their travel on foot for several hundred miles in order to reach their destinations, their homelands, with no facility of food or shelter during the journey (Choudhari, 2020 ).

Although the mental-distress cases were escalating, it was noticed that there was a drastic decline in the number of patients (both new and follow up cases) visiting the psychiatric outpatient services after the lockdown. Apparently, the reluctance to visit the clinics was out of the fear of contracting the virus. However, the danger of ignoring any psychological treatment at a time when they are estimated to be rising holds the possibilities of adverse effects on the efficacy of treatment. In addition, the considerable decline in follow-up visits also paves way to the threat of relapse (Aragona et al., 2020 ).

Racial discrimination of the North Eastern migrants

It was reported by the Rights and Risks Analysis Group (RRAG) on 26 March 2020, that, during the time-period from 7th February 2020 to 25 th March 2020, there were twenty-two incidents (in different parts of the country) of racial discrimination and assaults against individuals from the North East (Chakma, 2020 ). They were called names such as “Corona”, “Chinese”, and “Chinki”, and were glared at, along with shouting of expletives. India’s mongoloid looking citizens were subjected to insults while they were strolling on the roads, doing their shopping or travelling in trains and buses. They were called “Covid”, and coercively isolated, even though they had negative COVID-19 certificates. They were denied entry into public places, and were driven out of eateries and shared transports.

Psychosocial issues

The high levels of anxiety and stress induced among the general public by the lockdown during this pandemic was felt more intensely among the migrants, leading to many more psychosocial issues among them. The stress generated in the migrants made them behave in socially unacceptable ways and caused panic attacks on them. Consequently, they started fleeing hastily from the migrant lands. In order to go back to their home states at the earliest, they started crowding at the local bus stands and railway stations in desperation, ignoring all lockdown rules. This reckless behaviour of violating the norms of preventive measures resulted in the perpetual vicious cycle of being exposed to infection, quarantine, distress and hostilities (Choudhari, 2020 ). Although the most pressing need for all migrants at that time was the immediate return to their homelands from the migrant lands, the reverse migration came with a lot of appalling hardships and several other related problems (Tandon, 2020 ; Wong et al., 2019 ; Chakma, 2020 ).

Issues of reverse migration

Owing to circular migration or reverse migration, there was an acute shortage of workers in the urban areas from where the migrant workers had left for their homelands (Srivastava, 2020 ). This shortage, combined with the new relaxed laws in both occupational and industrial health, compelled the available local workers to work for longer durations than what was actually expected of them, which was in fact against the Factories Act of 1948 (Rivera et al., 2020 ; Wong et al., 2019 ). As a result, there was a drastic decline in the resting hours of the workers, which in turn led to the rise in stress and burnout among them and made them more prone to mental health issues (Choudhari, 2020 ).

The phenomenon of reverse migration has a bigger effect on the indigenous communities in the migrant lands as well. Reverse migration can mop out endangered indigenous Indian communities’ inhabitants and eternally ruin the subsistence of several such communities. As there were millions of people belonging to outside communities, such as those from the North East, have migrated to the urban cities in search of work in unorganised sectors, the lockdown induced re-migration would adversely affect the urban economies for want of labourers, as well as lead to the destruction of the economy of the migrants’ homelands because of the loss of jobs and income for those families and the resultant food and hunger crisis (Chakma, 2020 ).

The problems of the migrants did not cease to exist even after their reverse migration to their homelands. On reaching back to their homelands, their problems were mainly about staying in quarantine and the difficulties associated with it (Mishra and Sayeed, 2020 ).

Issues with quarantine after reverse migration

As part of the travel protocol prescribed for the pandemic-times, all migrants going back to their homelands were expected to be tested for COVID-19 and were expected to stay in self-isolation or quarantine at their homeland-residences for a minimum of fourteen days. Most of the migrants come from poor backgrounds with only a single room in their houses. Under this situation, they had to spend their quarantine period outside their houses. It was reported that in the Purulia district of West Bengal, some migrants spent their quarantine period outside the village limits by sleeping under trees, inside trucks or buses, or in make-shift shelters (Chakma, 2020 ). Similarly, in the Siwan area of Bihar, the labourers who managed to arrive at their hometowns were placed in extremely small spaces behind an iron gate in an infectious condition. To their good fortune, they were rescued from there on the following day and were transported in trucks to the isolation centres of their respective panchayats (Mishra and Sayeed, 2020 ).

Since the panchayat-shelters were also makeshift arrangements, there were very few protective measures provided to the residents. As the migrants were crowded in these shelters in high concentration, there was a significant risk of infection. In most places, the migrant labourers were stuck in these makeshift camps for many days, with poor infrastructure and inadequate food supply (Mishra and Sayeed, 2020 ).

Since the imposition of the lockdown, the media has featured several stories of the pathetic situation of the migrant labourers in various parts of the country. In the Bareli district of Uttar Pradesh, many migrants including women and children were forcefully pushed to clean themselves up in chemical baths as a sanitisation measure (Sammadar, 2020 ).

In general, the overall condition of the migrants was inexpressibly pathetic. Their worries and adversities did not come to an end. From being stuck in the lockdown in migrant lands to going through the difficulties of reverse migration and the struggles of survival, battling through quarantine and financial crisis during the pandemic-time was a fierce combat they had to wage while trying to stay alive and safe from the risk of starvation and infection.

This paper is an attempt to assess (based on published research papers) the plight of the migrants during the Covid crisis, in terms of their economic, social and health conditions. It brought into limelight the adversities, vulnerabilities, as well as the physical and psychological distresses and discriminations faced by the migrants under the onslaught of this pandemic in the Indian context, along with the problems of the resultant circular migration. From the survey of the 15 selected studies, it was clear that most of the problems faced by the migrants were due to them having been stranded in the migrated lands due to the lockdown. They were stuck in relief camps that had poor living conditions, with no job or income and, therefore, no means to travel back to their homelands. They became vulnerable to many physical and psychological illnesses, and received hardly any medical care from the government. In addition to suffering from the lack of basic physical facilities and the scarcity in the allocated resources, they also faced social issues such as discrimination and attacks from the local people.

Owing to the unpredictable nature of the pandemic and the uncertain turns it was taking with the passage of time, there was no end in sight for the crisis, and so the migrants couldn’t expect any relief from this tragic situation they were locked down in. The government launched several initiatives for the welfare of the migrants. One of them is the “The Aatma Nirbhar Bharat Abhiyaan”, through which they distributed free food grains for migrant workers without ration cards for a period of 2 months. Another government program was the “Affordable Rental Housing Complexes for Migrant Workers and Urban Poor”, which provided affordable rental housing units under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (PRSIndia, 2020 ). Although there were many such initiatives by the government, most of them were poorly implemented, and therefore, they became non-functional and failed to reach the entire migrant population.

Through the present study, the authors conclude that, based on the evaluation of the factors affecting the migrants, it is necessary to adopt immediate interventions for the welfare of the migrants.

Recommendations

One of the most pressing needs of the migrants is to have access to health services, which are equitable, non-discriminatory, and appropriate according to age and gender. In order to ensure maximum effectiveness, these measures must be people-centred and migrant sensitive, so as to deliver services that are culturally and linguistically appropriate because migrants are different from the people in the migrated lands, as they are subjected to different kinds of distress and exploitation.

Additionally, addressing and improving the mental health of the migrants are extremely necessary. Providing regular facilities such as in-person counselling, tele-counselling, therapies and psychosocial services is a necessity. In addition to this, systematic assessments must be conducted for early detection of and early interventions for any mental disorders among the migrants. Forming a strong ethical alliance between the local population, health systems, local government, and human rights associations to ensure the welfare of these migrants is also necessary. Furthermore, it is vitally important to prevent the spread of any fake news about the virus and to convey evidence-based accurate information to the public.

A major issue that calls for special attention is the well-being of women and children among the migrants. Women should be provided adequate services for maintaining reproductive health, maternal health, postnatal care, paediatric care and preventive/remedial measures for dealing with domestic or sexual abuse. These services must be focused on risk assessment and treatment for improving their health conditions and must not be used to screen out their health issues; nor should they be used as a tool for discrimination or for enforcing any restrictions. The migrant community must also be given priority for vaccination by the local administrations because of their particular vulnerability to the virus-infection. Furthermore, since the major cause for their health issues is the deplorable living conditions of the relief camps, the respective state governments should take the necessary steps to improve the living conditions in all relief camps.

It is essential to monitor health-care practices of the migrants and generate a repository of relevant health-care information during the pandemic period, which can be used to support future studies on the health issues of migrants during any Covid-like pandemics. Moreover, this will also facilitate sharing of health-related information between states, so as to facilitate the implementation of effective treatment strategies for migrants from various places.

A major social issue among the migrants is their fear of losing their jobs, income and housing. On these matters also it is the governments that can help, as they can take unbiased actions in case of any exploitation or labour complaints regarding their right to stay and work. It will also be of help if assistance is provided to the migrants to form associations and cooperative societies to support the livelihood of those who have returned to their native lands.

In view of the need to effectively manage the health issues of the migrants, it is necessary to give special attention to the migrants’ housing facilities, as their present unhygienic living conditions are a breeding ground for innumerable diseases. Government initiatives like The Aatma Nirbhar Bharat Abhiyaan, must be properly implemented. Similarly, NGOs and aid agencies should be persuaded to raise funds to construct affordable housing units, which should be made available to migrants for minimal rents (PRSIndia, 2020 ). For migrants who are not able to afford even these minimum-rental houses, the relief camps must be kept open with better facilities for a longer period.

Another social issue as explained in the SWAN report is the irregular and uneven distribution of basic necessities among the migrants (Shahare, 2020 ). Hence, there is a need for a universal and uniform mechanism for the distribution of both financial aid and essential items such as grains, medicines, and water to the migrant families. In order to ensure efficient distribution of financial aid and basic necessities among the migrants, it will be a good idea to entrust this work to the respective “panchayats” (the Indian local administrative councils operating at the village, block and district levels) to register and enrol these migrants and distribute these resources to them as per their eligibilities. Since they are already facing severe financial difficulties, subsidies must be increased as opposed to initiatives like NITI Aayog (Gothoskar, 2021 ).

A major political issue faced by the migrants is the absence of a body or agency to represent them in the respective state governments of the migrated lands. Since the migrants are only entitled to vote in their home constituency, and not in their migrated states, their political clout is limited and therefore their voices are rarely heard (Deshingkar and Akter, 2009 ). In order to present their demands and concerns to the governmental agencies, they have to be a part of a legitimate political system, which is authorised to represent them in these migrated lands.

There is an immediate need to push for a pro-migrant attitude in the general society, a better acknowledgement of the contribution of the migrants to the society, and the adoption of a proactive role in educating them and safeguarding their labour rights. This study further emphasises the urgent need to revise the national migration policies, which should help assist and protect the migrants and the returnee migrants who are either travelling from or to the areas affected by the pandemic.

Limitations

One of the main limitations of the reviewed studies was the inability to make any alterations with the brief interactive interventions with the migrants as their distress levels were much higher. These studies were restricted due to being retrospective single-centre studies and so generalising these findings across all services are difficult.

This review limited its focus to migrant workers alone and passed over the similar issues faced by the emigrants who have returned to the country post lockdown and also on the immigrants who were stuck in the country due to the lockdown rules and regulations. These two groups also have undergone trauma along the same lines as the migrant workers group and, therefore, future studies focusing on these are highly relevant and in need.

Data availability

The data that support the findings of this study were derived from the databases (PubMed, Scopus, PsychNet, and Google Scholar) available in the public domain.

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Jesline, J., Romate, J., Rajkumar, E. et al. The plight of migrants during COVID-19 and the impact of circular migration in India: a systematic review. Humanit Soc Sci Commun 8 , 231 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-021-00915-6

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Peter Scholten

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Peter Scholten is full professor at Erasmus University Rotterdam with a chair in the Governance of Migration and Diversity. Peter is academic coordinator of the IMISCOE Research Network, alliance coordinator of the European University of Post-Industrial Cities (UNIC) and director of the LDE Centre on the Governance of Migration and Diversity. His work focuses on science-politics relations, multi-level governance and urban governance of migration and diversity. He published in numerous international journals and recently published his monograph on Mainstreaming versus Alienation; a complexity perspective on the governance of migration and diversity. Peter is also founder and editor-in-chief of the Journal of Comparative Migration Studies and associated editor of the Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis.

Bibliographic Information

Book Title : Introduction to Migration Studies

Book Subtitle : An Interactive Guide to the Literatures on Migration and Diversity

Editors : Peter Scholten

Series Title : IMISCOE Research Series

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-92377-8

Publisher : Springer Cham

eBook Packages : Social Sciences , Social Sciences (R0)

Copyright Information : The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2022

Hardcover ISBN : 978-3-030-92376-1 Published: 04 June 2022

Softcover ISBN : 978-3-030-92379-2 Published: 05 June 2023

eBook ISBN : 978-3-030-92377-8 Published: 03 June 2022

Series ISSN : 2364-4087

Series E-ISSN : 2364-4095

Edition Number : 1

Number of Pages : IX, 500

Number of Illustrations : 1 b/w illustrations

Topics : Migration

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Migration aspirations and migration cultures: A case study of Ukrainian migration towards the European Union

Christof van mol.

1 Department of Sociology, Tilburg University, Tilburg, The Netherlands

2 Netherlands Interdisciplinary Demographic Institute (NIDI)/KNAW/UG, The Hague, The Netherlands

5 Centre for Migration and Intercultural Studies (CeMIS), Universiteit Antwerpen, Antwerpen, Belgium

3 Department of Sociology, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam (EUR), Rotterdam, The Netherlands

Kenneth Hemmerechts

4 Vrije Universiteit Brussel (VUB), Brussels, Belgium

Christiane Timmerman

An abundant body of research focused on macrolevel, mesolevel, and microlevel factors explaining why individuals move across international borders. In this paper, we aim to complement the existing literature by exploring how, within a single country, mesolevel factors differently impact migration aspirations, focusing on a case study of Ukraine. We particularly focus on how migration aspirations of individuals in two different regions can be explained by their international social networks with family members, on the one hand, and with friends, on the other. Furthermore, we explore whether regional migration characteristics play a role, as well as the interaction of such characteristics with individuals' frequency of contact with transnational networks. Our analyses are based on the EUMAGINE project and suggest that the interplay between regional migration characteristics and transnational social contact are key for explaining the decline of migration systems over time.

1. INTRODUCTION

The determinants of international migration are a classical question of interest to migration scholars (e.g., Borjas, 1987 ; Massey, 1999 ; Ravenstein, 1885 ; Sjaastad, 1962 ). When investigating the causes of international migration, scholars focused on macrofactors (e.g., Borjas, 1989 ; Todaro, 1969 ), mesolevel factors (e.g., Boyd & Nowak, 2012 ; Curran & Rivero‐Fuentes, 2003 ; Faist, 2000 ; Massey, 1990 ; Massey et al., 2005 ; Stark & Taylor, 1991 ), and individual characteristics such as age, gender, or socio‐economic status (e.g., Feliciano, 2005 ; Sjaastad, 1962 ). With this article, we contribute to scientific knowledge on the determinants of international migration in two ways. First, we aim to advance current understanding on the interplay between mesolevel factors—social networks—and migration aspirations, by explaining why some people aspire to migrate whereas others do not, despite coming from the same country and having similar background characteristics. We particularly explore how social networks differently influence migration aspirations within a single country, through a comparison of a region that is heavily impacted by emigration with one characterised by little migration. Second, most research focused on retrospective evaluations of migration determinants, that is, on individuals who already moved abroad. In this paper, our point of departure instead is that international migration necessarily starts with an individual, or individual household, aspiring to move abroad to, for example, improve his or her living conditions. As such, the premigration phase encompasses migratory aspirations, which can be defined as “the conviction that migration is desirable” (Carling, 2014 , p. 2). These aspirations can be considered as a crucial step towards actual migratory behaviour.

Examining migration aspirations necessarily implies focusing on migrants' country of origin. We hence focus on a case study of Ukrainians' aspirations to move to the European Union (EU), on the basis of unique survey data from the EUMAGINE project ( http://www.eumagine.org ). The choice to focus on Ukraine is informed by recent migration statistics showing that Ukraine figures among the top countries of origin of migrants arriving in the EU (Eurostat, 2014 ; Van Mol & de Valk, 2016 ), and Ukrainian migration is the largest of all former Soviet Union countries' migration flows towards the EU (Fedyuk & Kindler, 2016 ). The country has a long tradition of emigration, although until recently, most Ukrainian migrants left for the countries of the former Soviet Union. The move to the West can be considered relatively new. Consequently, research into Ukrainian migration to Europe only recently emerged (e.g., Danzer & Dietz, 2014 ), and much remains unknown about these migration dynamics.

The central research question we address in this paper is the following: What mesolevel factors explain migration aspirations of Ukrainians and how do they interact with the regional emigration context in which they occur? On the one hand, we investigate the “international social networks” of our respondents, distinguishing between contacts with family and friends abroad. On the other hand, we focus on two different migration regions, namely, a high‐ and low‐migration area.

2. MIGRATION ASPIRATIONS: THEORETICAL BACKGROUND AND HYPOTHESES

2.1. determinants of migration aspirations.

In sociology, social psychology, and economics, “aspirations express goals or goal‐orientations (or desired future end‐states) that are relevant to well‐being broadly defined” (Bernard, Dercon, Orkin, & Taffese, 2014 , p. 5). As goals, they “serve to mobilise and direct energy into action with respect to their objects, thus providing motive power for action” (Haller & Miller, 1963 , p. 11, cited in Bernard et al., 2014 , p. 5). Consequently, premigration aspirations are a central part of the migration decision‐making process (Timmerman, Heyse, & Van Mol, 2011 ). In this paper, our point of departure is the assumption that migration aspirations are not simply a function of external factors such as natural disasters, political oppression, poverty, wage differentials, or historical formed political, economic, and cultural relations between countries. Although these factors undoubtedly play a role, there is abundant evidence that migration aspirations are also largely dependent on information, perceptions, and value systems (Carling, 2013 , 2014 ; De Haas, 2011 , 2014 ). Whether or not someone develops an aspiration to move abroad partly depends on the information or “images” that he or she receives about potential destination countries, and on his or her perception of the economic and political situation in the sending country. Importantly, migration aspirations are not the same as migration intentions. The latter refer to more concrete plans of people to move abroad and partly depend on one's assessment of the “ability” or “capability” to do so in terms of available resources and legal possibilities (Carling, 2013 , 2014 ; De Haas, 2011 ). Of course, migration aspirations do not automatically result in migratory intentions and/or behaviour (Cairns & Smyth, 2011 ). Therefore, migration aspirations should “be treated as a measure of migration potential rather than a proxy measure of actual future migration” (Bjarnason & Thorlindsson, 2006 , p. 291). Thinking of migration as a function of migration aspirations and capabilities within a given social, economic, and political context thus enables us to link microtheories and macrotheories of migration in a meaningful way. After all, macrolevel factors and developments shape opportunities for migration and simultaneously enable (or constrain) individual migration capabilities (De Haas, 2011 ). Similarly, Engbersen, Snel, and Esteves ( 2016 ) argue that macrolevel situations affect the motivations of potential migrants, who may (or may not) decide to move, which in turn influences macrolevel outcomes such as growing or declining migration flows between countries.

This paper links individual and mesolevel factors to migration aspirations of Ukrainians, with a main focus on the interaction between mesolevel factors and the regional contexts in which they emerge. As Timmerman, Hemmerechts, and De Clerck ( 2014 , p. 497) argue, migration aspirations are not equal within or across societies and over time. They strongly depend on information, perceptions, and values of individuals. These perceptions become increasingly important today, as more and more people are exposed to migration‐related images through the mass media, social media, and cheap travel opportunities. Timmerman, Hemmerechts, and De Clerck distinguish between three types of perceptions (linked to the macrocontext, mesocontext, and microcontext) that may affect their migration aspirations. At the macrolevel, perceptions and migration aspirations are influenced by factors that are common to all potential migrants in a country such as national migration policies, the overall economic and political situation in a country such as the human rights situation, and images spread by the mass media. Perceptions and migration aspirations are also shaped by microlevel characteristics of individuals such as gender, age, educational attainment, and labour market situation. Migration aspirations are finally also indirectly formed through perceptions affected by mesolevel factors such as international social networks linking potential migrants with family and friends in other countries, as well as the specific location where people live. More specifically, in some locations, migration seems to be a “normal thing to do.” In the following paragraphs, we discuss existing scholarship on different levels, in more detail.

2.2. Mesolevel factors

Mesolevel factors in migration research generally refer to the role of migration networks, defined as “sets of interpersonal ties that connect migrants, former migrants, and non‐migrants in origin and destination areas through ties of kinship, friendship, and shared community origin” (Massey et al., 2005 , p. 42). Existing scholarship extensively documented how family and friendship networks, community organisations, and other intermediaries stimulate and facilitate migratory movements (e.g., Boyd & Nowak, 2012 ; Curran & Rivero‐Fuentes, 2003 ; Faist, 2000 ; Massey, 1990 ; Massey et al., 2005 ; Stark & Taylor, 1991 ). Garip and Asad ( 2013 ) distinguish two types of social support that are relevant for migration (based on DiMaggio & Garip, 2011 ): social facilitation and normative influence . The first refers to actual support for migrants, making migration easier and decreasing the costs. The latter points to the influence that previous migrants have on migration aspirations of prospective migrants. This “normative influence” is particularly relevant for this paper. Through all kinds of communication (personal contacts, visits, letters, emails, social media, etc.), previous migrants influence the perceptions of potential migrants about migration and potential destination countries (Timmerman, De Clerck, Hemmerechts, & Willems, 2014 ).

In some sending communities, large numbers of out‐migration may generate a “culture of migration.” With an increasing number of emigrants, values and cultural perceptions of a local community may change, due to the previously described normative influence (Massey et al., 2005 , p, 47). In such communities, migration becomes a normal thing to do, whereas staying at home is perceived as a failure (Massey et al., 2005 , p. 47; Castles, de Haas, & Miller, 2014 , p. 44). Moreover, as nonmigrants are constantly confronted with stories about and the symbols of successful migration (luxurious presents, large houses, and “conspicuous consumption” of migrant families), they may develop feelings of “relative deprivation,” stimulating their aspirations to migrate (Stark & Taylor, 1989 , 1991 ). The rise of a culture of migration in sending communities—next to social support in migrant networks and other “feedback mechanisms”—is one of the factors that give migration a self‐perpetuating character, often coined by the term “cumulative causation” (Massey, 1990 ; Massey et al., 2005 ). Recent migration research, however, also identified “negative feedback mechanisms” that may have a “migration‐undermining” effect (De Haas, 2010 ; Engbersen et al., 2016 ). For example, returning migrants may talk about unemployment, harsh migration policies, and the sometimes hostile public opinion climate in destination countries, which can discourage potential newcomers to come to Europe. As such, settled migrants may turn from “bridgeheads” to “gateclosers” (Fonseca, Esteves, & McGarricle, 2016 ; Snel, Engbersen, & Faber, 2016 ). Recent work of Timmerman, Hemmerechts, and De Clerck ( 2014 ) in the Turkish context also hints at the existence of such negative feedback loops. These authors showed that individuals living in high‐migration areas have less positive ideas about moving to Europe and are less likely to have migration aspirations compared to individuals living in low‐migration areas. Their argument is that negative reports of migrants about moving to and living in Europe are widespread in high‐migration areas, whereas they are lacking in low‐migration areas. This shows that cultures of migration may also affect migration aspirations negatively.

In sum, migration aspirations may be highly influenced by the social networks of a given individual as well as the migration characteristics of the region where he or she lives in. On the basis of this previous scholarship, two hypotheses can be formulated with regard to the influence of mesolevel factors on migration aspirations. First, we expect that individuals who have more frequent contact with relatives ( Hypothesis 1a ) and friends ( Hypothesis 1b ) abroad are more likely to dispose of migration aspirations. Second, people living in regions with a high number of emigrants are less likely to have migration aspirations, due to “thicker” negative feedback loops ( Hypothesis 2 ).

2.3. Microlevel and macrolevel factors

There is ample evidence that individual background characteristics and macrolevel factors impact migration decisions, and henceforth also migration aspirations. As such, it is important to control for possible confounding factors in the analysis.

First, international migration used to be a gender‐specific phenomenon in which mainly males participated. Although recent research observes an increasing “feminisation of migration” (Castles et al., 2014 ), there is still ample evidence that women often have slightly different reasons than do men to migrate (e.g., Timmerman & Hemmerechts, 2015 ; Timmerman, Martiniello, Rea, & Wets, 2015 ) or may not be able to migrate because of limited sets of rights and responsibilities (Van Mol, 2017 ). Second, it is generally expected that the younger strata of the population are more likely to engage in migration movements (e.g., Charles & Denis, 2012 ; Pekkala, 2003 ), as they are freer from constraints that tie individuals to the home country (e.g., mortgages, properties, and families). Third, educational attainment and social status may affect someone's migration aspirations as well. It has been widely reported, for example, that migrants are a group that is positively selected in terms of education (Feliciano, 2005 ; Grogger & Hanson, 2011 ). Furthermore, in contrast to the popular belief that the poorest people are most likely to migrate, various studies showed that international migrants are usually not drawn from poorer parts of population, as it generally is a costly enterprise (Amit, 2007 ; Angelucci, 2014 ; De Haas, 2007 ). Fourth, household demands such as marital status and parenthood may also influence the timing of migration aspirations and decisions. It has been reported, for example, that single or previously married women have higher risks of migration compared to married women (Kanaiaupuni, 2000 ). Furthermore, a Swedish study revealed that care responsibilities for children may form a constraint to migration for individuals, particularly when they are at early school age (Fischer & Malmberg, 2001 ). Consequently, we take marital status and the eventual presence of children into account in our analyses. Finally, migration aspirations are also influenced by macrolevel factors such as natural disasters, poverty, unemployment, and violence or political oppression in the sending countries of migrants (for an overview, see, for example, Castles et al., 2014 ). Although these factors affect the perceptions and aspirations of all potential migrants in a certain country in more or less the same way, they are unfortunately hard to examine in a single‐country case study as ours.

3. THE UKRAINIAN CONTEXT

With almost 6 million Ukrainians living abroad, Ukraine is one of the leading migrant‐sending countries worldwide (Duvell, 2007 ; IOM, 2008 ; Kubal, 2012 ; Vollmer, Bilan, Lapshyna, & Vdovtsova, 2010 ). Today, more than 10% of Ukrainians works abroad, or about one fifth of the total working age population, generally on a temporary basis (Strielkowski & Sanderson, 2013 ). The large majority of these Ukrainians live in the Russian Federation or one of the other successor states of the former Soviet Union (World Bank, 2010 ). Since the early 21st century, there is also a continuous inflow of Ukrainian migrants in other countries of the EU. In 2009, for example, Ukraine was ranked fourth among the top countries of origin of newly arrived migrants in the EU, after India, Morocco, and China (Eurostat, 2014 ). Recent forecasts of Ukrainian migration towards the EU estimate that by 2050, between 1 and 2 million Ukrainians will be living in the EU (Cajka, Jaroszewicz, & Strielkowski, 2014 ). It is worth noting that the recent political tensions and military conflicts since 2013 may have a profound effect on Ukrainian migration dynamics, but these have yet to be studied (Fedyuk & Kindler, 2016 ). It is plausible, for example, that neighbouring EU countries become a destination for Ukrainian asylum seekers (Szulecka, 2016 ). Recent empirical evidence from Poland indeed suggests an increase in applications for residence permits and refugee status since the escalation of the armed conflict (Brunarska, Kindler, Szulecka, & Toruńczyk‐Ruiz, 2016 ). However, an analysis of the effect of these recent tensions falls beyond the scope of our paper, as our data were collected before these events occurred.

Initially, Ukrainians primarily moved to Southern European countries such as Italy and Portugal. Baganha et al. ( 2004 , p. 27) describe, for example, how Ukrainians all of a sudden became the largest immigrant population in Portugal in the early 2000s. These authors offer three explanations for this sudden mass inflow: the lack of control by other EU member states in granting short‐term visa, the ease of movements within the Schengen area, and human trafficking practices by Eastern European “travel agencies” that offered attractive “package deals” to Ukrainians, including travel documents, transportation, and job opportunities (particularly in construction work for the UEFA European Championship in Portugal in 2004). But also Portuguese regularisation programs for irregular migrants in the early 2000s made the country more attractive than other EU countries.

The EU enlargements of 2004 and 2007 also brought large Ukrainian communities within the EU territory. Already before the accession, large numbers of Ukrainians lived in countries such as Poland and Hungary. Since 2004, there was a continuous inflow of Ukrainian nationals in the EU—both in the “old” (EU15) and “new” EU countries of 2004 and 2007 (EU12). According to numbers of the Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development, Italy, Germany, and to a lesser extent Spain are the main receiving countries for Ukrainians in the EU15 (OECD, 2015 ). With about 10,000 Ukrainians arriving annually, Poland is the main receiving country among the new member states (Fedyuk & Kindler, 2016 ; Malynovska, 2006 ).

Several characteristics of Ukrainian emigration suggest an influence of individual characteristics on migration aspirations. It can be observed, for example, that Ukrainian migration is highly gendered (Dietz, 2010 ; Fedyuk & Kindler, 2016 ). In the Czech Republic and Portugal, for example, flows of male migrants predominate, as they mainly work in the agricultural and construction sectors in these countries (Dietz, 2010 ). Ukrainian migration towards Italy and Slovakia, in contrast, is characterised by a high number of female migrants, who generally work in the care and domestic services sector (Dietz, 2010 ; Tyldum, 2015 ). Considering the socio‐economic profile of Ukrainian migrants, it has been reported that those with higher education mainly move to Russia instead of the EU (Danzer & Dietz, 2014 ; Dietz, 2010 ; Marques & Góis, 2010 ). Moreover, many Eastern European migrants seem to experience occupational downgrading once they arrived in the EU (Danzer & Dietz, 2014 ; Heyse, Mahieu, & Timmerman, 2015 ; Pereira, Snel, & 't Hart, M., 2015 ). Also for the Ukrainian diaspora, it has been observed they mainly work in low‐skilled jobs (IOM, 2008 ). In Europe, these low‐skilled jobs are mainly situated in agricultural, construction, care, and services sectors (Dietz, 2008 , 2010 ; Markov, Ivankova‐Stetsyuk, & Seleshchuk, 2009 , cited in Strielkowski & Weyskrabova, 2014 , p. 34).

Structural factors at the macrolevel, including the labour market situation, however, also influence the size of migration flows from Ukraine. The most prominent emigration motives of Ukrainian migrants seem to be low salaries and a lack of job opportunities in the homeland (Dietz, 2008 , 2010 ). Nevertheless, in certain regions of Ukraine, emigration is more widespread than others. On the country level, about one fifth of the population in working age resides abroad (Duvell, 2007 ). However, a population survey conducted in the frontier areas of Volyn and Lviv revealed higher numbers; almost half of the respondents had relatives who live abroad (Malynovska, 2006 ). In Zakarpattya, this number rose to around 70%. Furthermore, Ukrainian migrants appear to “maintain close ties with their family and friends; visit Ukraine very often and invest their earnings in Ukraine” (Markov et al., 2009 , cited in Strielkowski & Weyskrabova, 2014 , p. 34). This suggests that feedback mechanisms operating through social networks can also be detected in Ukraine, underlining the relevance of the Ukrainian context for studying mesolevel factors influencing migration aspirations. In this paper, we further unravel how these social networks and regional migration characteristics impact on migration aspirations of potential migrants.

4. METHODOLOGY

Our empirical analysis is based on a unique dataset on migration aspirations, collected in the framework of the EUMAGINE project, funded by the Seventh Framework Programme. The project investigated the influence of perceptions of human rights and democracy on migration aspirations and decisions of Ukrainians in four research areas: (a) Zbaraz, a region with high emigration rates in Western Ukraine; (2) Novovodolazka, an area in Eastern Ukraine with a specific human rights situation; (3) Znamyanska, area with low emigration rates in Central Ukraine; and (4) Solomyansky rayon/Kyiv, a region including the capital, with an immigration history. In each area, a representative sample of 500 respondents aged 18–39 was drawn, as this population has the highest probability of perceiving emigration as a valuable option. A stratified cluster sample with random walks was used to collect the sample. Within the selected households, respondents were randomly chosen. The selected respondents were questioned face to face with structured paper‐and‐pencil questionnaires. The data had to be weighted to account for differences in the selection probability of respondents. A selection probability weight was calculated for the within‐household selection for each stratum. 1

In line with the purposes of this paper, we use data from two regions characterised by contrasting migration numbers: Zbaraz (in the Ternopilska region), a high‐emigration area, and Znamyanska area (in the Kirovogradska region), a low‐emigration region (Vollmer et al., 2010 ). This implies that we leave out the two other Ukrainians regions that are part of the EUMAGINE project. Both regions are not relevant in view of our focus on the impact of a “contrasting” regional emigration context, more specifically a high‐ versus low‐emigration context, on migration aspirations. The other two regions in the EUMAGINE project, characterised by a specific human rights situation and an immigration context, are not relevant for the purposes of this paper and therefore not included.

In the Zbaraz area, many seasonal workers leave in order to work abroad. A survey on labour migration in 2008 pointed to 50,400 labour migrants who were working abroad, but still “officially” living in Ternopil villages (Vollmer et al., 2010 ). Symbolically, the population and local authorities of this region even considered to construct a monument to honour the labour migrants who contributed significantly to the economic welfare of their families and the development of the region. Znamyanska, the low‐emigration area, is situated in the north of Kirovogradska region. This region is known for its low‐scale emigration. According to Vollmer et al. ( 2010 ), migration processes had virtually no influence at all on the development of the population in this region. The transnational networks of respondents in both regions are different given their migration history. Respondents in the Zbaraz region, for example, more often reported to have family abroad (34.3%) compared to those from the Znamyanska region (13.3%; weighted data, based on the sample of 801 respondents). Therefore, a comparative analysis between both regions is relevant for uncovering how transnational social networks and regional characteristics are related to migration aspirations.

4.2. Variables

4.2.1. dependent variable.

Our dependent variable is migration aspirations to Europe, which were measured by two questions. First, the question “Ideally, if you had the opportunity, would you like to go abroad to live or work some time during the next five years, or would you prefer to stay in Ukraine?” On a total of 999 respondents, 460 respondents indicated having migration aspirations (weighted data). Respondents who indicated to have migration aspirations were also asked a second question, namely, to which country they would prefer to go. Subsequently, we restricted our sample of aspiring migrants to respondents who indicated to prefer a European destination country. The combination of these two questions thus resulted in a dichotomous variable that measures the migration aspirations to Europe (0 =  no migration aspirations [ n  = 534], 1 =  migration aspirations [ n  = 324]). The 141 respondents not included in our analyses are hence either potential migrants who prefer a non‐European destination country ( n  = 125) or respondents with no information on their preferred destination ( n  = 16; weighted data).

4.2.2. Independent variables

As stated previously, we expect transnational contacts of individuals to provide feedback about migration experiences and possible destinations, feeding into migration aspirations. Therefore, the frequencies of transnational contact with family members and friends abroad are considered as crucial variables. Respondents had to indicate how often they had contact (spoken, written, and SMS) with their family and friends abroad over the last 12 months. Importantly, they were explicitly asked to indicate relatives or friends on whose help they could count on if needed, in order to avoid reference to “weak ties” (Granovetter, 1973 ). Furthermore, these family members and friends abroad had to be above 16 years old. In our empirical analyses, we use the mean frequency of contacts with significant family members and friends abroad, which ranged between never and 365 times.

Second, we are interested in how the broader migration characteristics of the region in which individuals live influence migration aspirations. Therefore, a second dichotomous independent variable indicates the region where respondents live. The region with low emigration numbers is thereby used as the reference category (0 =  Znamyanska , 1 =  Zbaraz ).

4.2.3. Control variables

As migration aspirations likely vary according to individual background characteristics and general perceptions of the macrosituation in Ukraine and Europe, we have two categories of control variables.

In our analyses, we control for six individual background characteristics on the basis of our literature review. The first is a dichotomous variable indicating gender (0  = female , 1  = male ). The second is a continuous grand‐mean‐centred variable, indicating age in years (using the mean age in the sample without full listwise deletion = 28.50). Third, respondents' education was measured by a continuous variable, indicating years of education, theoretically ranging from 0 ( no education ) to 23 years. Fourth, we constructed an index measuring the material wealth of respondents using principal component analysis (Cronbach α = .76, weighted data). Different questions in the survey measured whether respondents had access to a modern flush toilet connected to sewerage in residence, running hot water, shower in residence, radio, satellite dish and receiver, video/VCR/DVD player, computer at home, internet connection at home, washing machine, bicycle, moped/motorcycle, and car/truck/van. Components with an eigenvalue higher than 1 were combined into an index. The explained variance of each component was used to multiply with the regression factor score of the component in question. The multiplied scores were then summed into one index. The data used to construct the material wealth index is the sample without full listwise deletion. The range‐standardised scale goes from 0 ( low material wealth ) to 4 ( high material wealth ). Fifth, marital status is included in our analyses as a dichotomous variable (0  = unmarried/divorced/widowed/separated , 1  = married/cohabitation ). Finally, we include a dichotomous variable indicating whether the respondent has children (0 =  no children , 1 =  at least one child ).

Next to these individual background characteristics, we included two variables measuring the perception of respondents of the quality of life in both Ukraine and Europe. In five questions, respondents were asked about their opinion about the quality of schools, the quality of life for men and for women, governmental poverty reduction, and health care in Ukraine and Europe. The answer options ranged from very bad to very good on a 5‐point Likert scale. The perception of the quality of life in Europe is coded from 0 ( very bad ) to 4 ( very good ), and the perception of the quality of life in the Ukraine from 0 ( very bad ) to 4 ( very good ). These items were used to construct to composite scales (Cronbach α = .78 for Europe and .72 for Ukraine, weighted data).

4.3. Analytic strategy

Given the dichotomous nature of our dependent variable, we conducted a stepwise logistic regression analysis for analysing the impact of social networks and region of origin on migration aspirations in Ukraine. At the first stage, we introduce frequency of contact with family. At the second stage, we investigate the relationship between frequency of contact with friends. At the third stage, we add the region of origin and the control variables to the model. In the fourth and fifth stages, we investigate the interaction effect between the region of origin and frequency of contact with the transnational family, on the one hand, and with the transnational friendship network, on the other hand. A listwise deletion of missing values results in a sample of 801 respondents. This entails the further exclusion of 57 respondents (weighted data). Before running the analysis, collinearity among variables was tested. The variance inflation factors in the model with all the variables included did not go beyond 2.160, indicating no problems of collinearity.

5.1. Descriptive results

In a first analytic step, we investigate the descriptive statistics of our variables, for the total sample and for both regions separately (Table  1 ).

Descriptive statistics of the total sample, Znamyanska, and Zbaraz

Source . EUMAGINE project, weighted data.

Regarding our dependent and independent variables, it can be observed that 38.31% of respondents ( n  = 307) had aspirations to migrate to Europe. Furthermore, when looking more closely to the numbers of the two regions, it can be noticed that the share of respondents with migration aspirations was higher in the high‐emigration region (Zbaraz, 42.68%) compared to the low‐emigration region (Znamyanska, 35.10%; χ 2  = 4.91, p  < .05). Next, Table  1 clearly shows that our respondents had more frequent contact with their family networks abroad compared to contact with friends. Significant differences between the two regions can also be detected here. Respondents in Zbaraz have more frequent contact with family ( t  = 6.46, p  < .001) and friends ( t  = 2.33, p  < .05) compared to respondents in Znamyanska.

With regard to the control variables, Table  1 reveals that 40% of the respondents in the total sample are male. There are no significant differences regarding the gender composition between the two regions. The age profile of respondents from both regions, however, significantly differs ( t  = −4.66, p  < .001). The average age of respondents in the sample is 28.76 years, and those from Znamyanska are significantly older compared to the respondents from Zbaraz. Also, regarding the socio‐economic background variables, significant differences can be observed. Respondents from Zbaraz studied significantly longer ( t  = 6.24, p  < .001) and have lower scores in terms of material wealth ( t  = −7.21, p  < .001). Finally, when considering the family characteristics, respondents from the high‐emigration region (Zbaraz) are more likely to be unmarried (χ 2  = 5.39, p  < .05) and without children (χ 2  = 19.42, p  < .001).

We also consider possible differences between the two regions regarding the perceptions of respondents on the quality of life in Ukraine and the EU. Compared to individuals in the high‐migration region, respondents in the low‐migration region do not have a significantly more positive image on the quality of life in Ukraine ( t  = 1.09, p  = .27). However, respondents from the high‐migration region dispose of a significantly more positive perception of the quality of life in Europe ( t  = 7.05, p  < .001).

5.2. Multivariate results

As a final analytic step, we aim to explain the migration aspirations of respondents in both regions through stepwise logistic regression models. Results are presented in Table  2 . Model 1 only includes the mean frequency of contact with family abroad. As expected, there is a significant correlation with migration aspirations. In Model 2, the mean frequency of the respondents' contacts with friends abroad is included. Interestingly, no statistically significant correlation with migration aspirations is observed. Thus, as far as transnational contacts affect migratory aspirations of those left behind, this goes only for contacts with family abroad.

Logistic regression on European migration aspirations (odds ratios, reference category = no migration aspirations)

Source . EUMAGINE project.

Model 3 presents the full model, including control variables and the region that respondents live in. Controlling for confounding factors, this model confirms the significant relationship between frequency of contact with family members abroad and migration aspirations for our sample. Once again, the relationship between frequency of contact with transnational friendship networks is proven to be nonsignificant. Remarkably, no significant differences between both regions are detected when controlling for other factors. Although our descriptive analysis revealed higher percentages of migration aspirations in the high‐emigration region (Zbaraz) compared to the low‐emigration region (Znamyanska), it seems that this difference can be explained by the intensity of transnational family contacts and a negative perception of the quality of life in Ukraine.

In the last step, we investigated two interaction terms, more specifically, between the region of origin and frequency of contact with the transnational family network (Model 4) and with the transnational friendship network (Model 5). Both interaction effects were not statistically significant. Nevertheless, the coefficients also indicate that in regions characterised by a high number of emigrants (in our case Zbaraz), having more frequent contact with family members in Europe slightly decreases the likelihood of having migration aspirations to Europe.

As an additional robustness check, we also estimated models for the regions separately (see Tables  3a and ​ and3b). 3b ). These results are largely in line with the findings of the pooled model discussed above; namely, that in our sample the frequency of contact with family members abroad is significantly correlated with migration aspirations, and this relationship seems to be somewhat more pronounced in the Znamyanska region, characterised by a low number of emigrants.

Logistic regression of European migration aspirations in Zbaraz (odds ratios, reference category = no migration aspirations)

Logistic regression of European migration aspirations in Znamyanska (odds ratios, reference category = no migration aspirations)

6. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

In this paper, we aimed to investigate what mesolevel factors that influence migration aspirations, focusing on a case study of Ukraine. Two hypotheses were formulated on the role of social networks and the characteristics of sending communities. First, we expected that respondents with more frequent contact with relatives and friends abroad are more likely to have migration aspirations. Second, we postulated that in sending regions characterised by high numbers of emigrants, respondents are less likely to have migration aspirations due to the existence of negative feedback loops. Our results only partially confirm both hypotheses.

First, the analysis revealed that in our sample, those individuals who have more frequent contact with family members abroad are more likely to have migration aspirations. The same correlation was not detected, however, for frequency of contact with friends. This might be related to the changing composition of networks of migrants over time. It has been widely demonstrated, for example, that over time, contacts with the home‐country decrease (e.g., Hedberg & Kepsu, 2008 ; Levrau, Piqueray, Goddeeris, & Timmerman, 2014 ); and this holds particularly true for contacts with extended family and dispersed friendships (Eve, 2008 ; Mollenhorst, Volker, & Flap, 2014 ; Viry, 2012 ). After all, maintaining relations requires a considerable effort and time (Ryan & Mulholland, 2014 ), and “migrants' physical absence hampers such maintenance, leading to a progressive decrease in contact frequency” (Koelet, Van Mol, & De Valk, 2017 , p. 454). Furthermore, “the combination of the obligation to help kin, and the high level of structural embeddedness means that kin are both cognitively and time‐wise less demanding relationships to maintain than non‐kin relationships” (Roberts, Dunbar, Pollet, & Kuppens, 2009 , p. 139). From this perspective, international family networks are logically most strongly related to migration aspirations.

Second, our analysis shows that for our sample, in principle, no statistically significant differences can be detected in terms of migration aspirations between people living in low‐ and high‐migration regions. Interestingly, however, our analysis suggests that in high‐emigration regions, compared to low‐emigration regions, a higher frequency of contact with family members abroad is less strongly correlated with migration aspirations. Once again, this does not hold true for frequency of contact with friends abroad, which might be related to the fact that transnational friendship connections generally decrease over time, as well as by the lower level of structural embeddedness of nonkin relationships. Negative migration stories of close relatives abroad, in contrast, thus seem to have a higher potential for curbing migration aspirations in regions characterised by a culture of migration. The mechanism behind this relationship, however, remains to be uncovered by future research. It might be possible, for example, that in high‐migration regions, migration is omnipresent in stories of friends and relatives living nearby as well, leading to a cumulative effect of negative feedback. Potential migrants might thus be more regularly confronted with negative stories in their wider social circles and, hence, dispose of a more complete set of information on the disadvantages of migration. These findings are in line with a comparison made of migration aspirations between high‐ and low‐emigration areas in Turkey, demonstrating that perceptions on Europe were significantly more negative in the high‐ compared to low‐emigration region (Timmerman, Hemmerechts, & De Clerck, 2014 ). The family feedback mechanism may then constitute a “turning point,” adding negative information from a well‐trusted source and, hence, lowering their migration aspirations. In low‐migration regions, such cumulative effect might be absent, as there might be only a single feedback loop within the proper family instead of multiple feedback loops within the wider community. This might explain why migration aspirations are not as heavily affected. In particular, qualitative research in home communities might have the potential to uncover the mechanisms behind this relationship.

Finally, some limitations of our study should be mentioned. First, our data do not allow for any causal interpretations, as it is based on cross‐sectional data. Future studies could benefit from a longitudinal perspective, allowing to track changes over time. Such approach would allow to disentangle more precisely the relationship between increasing emigration numbers, transnational social contacts, and migration aspirations. Second, the explained variance of our models remained rather low, suggesting there are other factors at play that are not captured by our study. It is plausible, for example, that the variation in migration aspirations is explained by personality characteristics. It has been shown, for example, that compared to the local population, migrants have different attachment styles (Polek, Van Oudenhoven, & Berge, 2011 ), higher achievement and power motivation, and lower affiliation motivation and family centrality (Boneva & Frieze, 2001 ). Future research could try to build more inclusive models, incorporating psychological characteristics as well. Third, the data on which our analyses are based were collected before the start of the Ukrainian conflict. Given the changed geo‐political situation and the enduring conflict, it is not unlikely migration aspirations and the number of people who are willing to migrate significantly changed. Furthermore, it is also plausible that the main motivations for migration changed due to the conflict, particularly for individuals and families living in the conflict zone.

In conclusion, in this paper, we highlighted the importance of transnational family ties in the migration decision‐making process among Ukrainian individuals. The family remains at the core of the migration process and has the potential to stimulate and curb existing migration dynamics. In particular, this last point is interesting, as it suggests that the cumulative effect of migration can reach a certain threshold. From the moment onwards when migration in a community reaches its saturation, feedback mechanisms from family members abroad play an important role in the stagnation and decay of out‐migration over time.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This work was supported by the European Commission, Directorate‐General for Research and Innovation, 7th Framework Programme for Research—Socio‐economic Sciences and Humanities (Grant 244703). The contribution of the first author is funded by the European Research Council Starting Grant project (263829) “Families of migrant origin: A life course perspective.”

The information and views set out in this publication are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion of the European Communities. Neither the European Communities institutions and bodies nor any person acting on their behalf may be held responsible for the use which may be made of the information contained therein. The EUMAGINE project is cofunded by the European Community FP7 2007–2013, under the Socio‐economic Sciences and Humanities Programme.

Van Mol C, Snel E, Hemmerechts K, Timmerman C. Migration aspirations and migration cultures: A case study of Ukrainian migration towards the European Union . Popul Space Place . 2018; 24 :e2131 10.1002/psp.2131 [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]

1 See also Ersanilli ( 2012 ).

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A short definition for Migration Studies

The movement of groups and individuals from one place to another, involving a change of usual residence. Migration is usually distinguished from mobility in general by conventions of spatial and temporal scale. For example, by convention international migration requires crossing a national boundary for an actual or intended period of at least one year. Residential mobility , by contrast, may consist of a short-distance move between properties in the same city.

Typologies of migration differentiate between internal and international migration, and the two forms are usually studied separately. Looked at historically, however, the movement of people long predates nation-states; homo sapiens left Africa some 150,000 years ago. Geographers are interested in inter-regional, rural-urban, and urban-rural movements, especially in societies with low birth and death rates where migration is often the major cause of population change ( see counter-urbanization ). In 2008, about 3 per cent of Americans moved to another county, for example, and in China, it is estimated that there were 140 million migrants, mostly from rural to urban areas (Fan 2008 ).

The major focus of current geographical work, however, is international migration. It is estimated that there were 215 million people living outside their country of birth in 2010, around 3 per cent of the world’s population. But this surprisingly low number has disproportionate effects on the places and countries linked by flows, economically, socially, culturally, and—increasingly—politically. This type of migration is further classified by time, differentiating temporary (or short-term), permanent (or long-term), and circular (including seasonal) forms. Whereas permanent migration was once considered the norm—especially during the era of colonial settlement in the 19th century—it is now recognized that growing numbers of people are implicated in migrations at a variety of spatial and temporal scales. Transnational migrants may live in two places at once, or at least shuttle between them on a regular basis in addition to sustaining meaningful inter-connections. Further distinctions are often made between legal and illegal immigration .

Beginning with the work of Ravenstein , geographers and others have sought to explain and model migration. An elementary dichotomy between forced and voluntary migration has proved difficult to sustain analytically, not least because of the rise in human trafficking . Can children accompanying adults, for example, be said to choose to move? The globalization of human flows has not only drawn in more counties and regions into the world migration pattern, but it has also eroded once-basic division between sending (or home, origin) and receiving (or host, destination) countries. Many are now both; the Russian federation is in the top three emigration and immigration countries. Rather than explain migration in terms of ‘push’ factors at an origin and ‘pull’ factors at a destination, the metaphor of a revolving door may be more appropriate. In a widely cited textbook, Castles and Miller (2009) discuss three broad kinds of explanation: first, neoclassical economics , focusing mainly on the individual level ( see Todaro model ); second, historical-structural, including world systems theory ; and third, migration-systems theory , including a concentration on the role of social networks (see also Massey 1999 for a more elaborate list of theories). The observation that migration flows along distinct ‘corridors’ (e.g. Mexico–USA, Turkey–Germany) fits with this theory. But, compared with the 1960s and 1970s, when geographers applied various spatial interaction models ( see gravity model ) to migration, there is now less discipline-specific research on the causes and consequences of migration.

Geographical research on migration is far-reaching, covering both historical past and the present (King et al. 2010 ). Once considered a peripheral subject in social sciences, the study of migration is increasingly deemed central. Paradoxically, given the changes in personal and social mobility associated with globalization, it is ever harder to distinguish migration from the greater register of flows (King 2002 ); are backpackers migrants? There is a clear trend towards studying migrants, their experiences, biographies, families, emotions, etc., as contrasted with the demographic fact of migration. Migration is generally a selective process, by age, skill, gender, race, class, and health, and it may also be implicated with critical lifecourse events. Recent research foci have included the impact of climate change, the migration-development nexus , children’s migration, international student migration, and the heightened security and surveillance directed at moving bodies of all kinds. See also immigration ; iom .

Castree, N., Kitchin, R., & Rogers, A. (2013).  " Migration ." In A Dictionary of Human Geography . Oxford University Press. Retrieved 27 Oct. 2021 

In the Library's Collection

To find books about Human Migration , use the subject heading human beings migration . For Involuntary migration use forced migration in the online catalog. For International Migration , use the subject heading emigration and immigration . Many books about Human Migration are shelved in the call number range JV 6001 through JV 9480 located on the 4th floor of Berry Library. However, many others are scattered throughout the collections. Check the online catalog for specific subtopics.

• human beings migration
• migrations of nations
• forced migration Used in place of "involuntary migration or resettlement."
• return migration
• statelessness
• diaspora Diaspora by itself is not used as a subject heading in the online catalog. It is usually paired with a qualifying geographic term.
• emigration and immigration Used instead of "international migration."

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Selected book title(s)

Finding scholarly articles & journal title(s)

Articles and other writings about Migration can be found in many publications. Our collection includes several journals which look at Migration . Below is a short list of some of the journal titles we have in our Library's collections. You can find articles using the search box at the top of the page.

Internet resource(s)

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• Last Updated: May 16, 2024 3:20 PM
• URL: https://researchguides.dartmouth.edu/human_geography

Women and Migration case studies

These eight case studies from around the world cover each stage of the migration process, from the often dangerous journeys women take, to their acceptance or rejection by their destination country and their eventual resettlement or return.

‘I don’t have any other choice’ – refugee women’s journeys to Europe

We often think of irregular migrants to the EU as young, single men. But a third of those who cross the Mediterranean to seek asylum are women – these are their stories.

‘I never knew the journey was that risky’ – women’s experiences of corruption while migrating to Europe

Many irregular migrants to the European Union are driven out of their country of origin by corruption that makes daily life a struggle. But that corruption follows them en route in the form of bribery, violence and sextortion.

‘The work itself has changed me’ – the experience of (rural) migrant women and girls in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

Many teenage girls in Ethiopia flee the strict confines of their rural homes to seek independence and a fresh start in the big city. Life isn’t easy in Addis Ababa, but they find community and resilience in one another.

‘We sleep without eating anything’ – the precarious lives of women labour migrants in South Africa

More and more women are leaving southern African countries like Zimbabwe and Malawi to seek greener pastures in South Africa. But when they arrive, they are faced with xenophobia, violence and a daily struggle to make enough money to live.

‘I don’t want them to end up like me’ – the women who return to Albania after seeking asylum in the EU

The vast majority of Albanians who seek asylum in the EU have their claims rejected and must return home. But that doesn’t mean they give up on their dreams of a better life.

‘He beat me when I was pregnant’ – Vietnamese marriage migrants and domestic violence in Taiwan

Taiwan’s “New Immigrant Women” are particularly vulnerable to abuse in the home. With their immigration status tied to their marriages, many have no choice but to stay silent.

‘They consider us as guests’ – Burmese and Iraqi refugee women’s experiences in Australia

Australia has a dedicated resettlement programme for refugees. But settling into a new community still presents challenges for women on humanitarian visas.

‘If I have land, I feed my family’ – refugee resettlement through community gardening in Seattle

How do refugees find community in their new home? For Mien migrants in Seattle, the answer lies in growing food from their former lives in Laos at the city’s communal gardens.

How to get involved

There's much more to learn about women and migration, and actions you can take yourself to help out those who might be in need. Find out more on our dedicated resources page.

A special thank you for making this project possible.

This project is funded by the Worldwide Universities Network Research Development Fund.

• fr français

Ten case studies on migrant integration in EU cities by OECD and European Commission

Local authorities and other local stakeholders play a key role in integrating newcomers and empowering them to contribute to their new communities. The OECD and the European Commission have therefore been publishing a series of case studies to take a closer look at how ten European cities have been working on migrant integration.

So far, case studies have been published for Amsterdam, Athens, Barcelona, Berlin , Gothenburg, Vienna and the smaller German town of Altena. Case studies for Glasgow, Paris and Rome are forthcoming. The findings from these case studies are also being discussed at stakeholder events held in the cities examined.

The case studies accompany the April 2018 joint report by the OECD and the European Commission that describes what it takes to formulate a place-based approach to integration. The joint report includes a 12-point checklist that any city or region can use in its efforts to promote more effective integration of migrants. The report draws on quantitative evidence from a statistical database while also strongly building on qualitative evidence from 72 cities.

The 12 key points for policy-makers and practitioners to consider as they develop and implement local integration programmes are:

• Enhance effectiveness of migrant integration policy through improved vertical coordination across government levels and implementation at the relevant scale
• Seek policy coherence in addressing migrants’ multi-dimensional needs of, and opportunities for, integration at the local level
• Access and effectively use financial resources that are adapted to local responsibilities for migrant integration
• Design integration policies that take time into account throughout migrants’ lifetimes and residence status evolution
• Create spaces where interaction brings migrants and the native population closer together
• Increase capacity and diversity in civil services, with a view to ensuring access to mainstream services for migrants and newcomers
• Strengthen cooperation with non-state stakeholders, including through transparent and effective contracts
• Intensify the assessment of integration results for migrants and host communities and their use for evidence-based policies
• Match migrants’ skills with economic and job opportunities
• Secure access to adequate housing
• Provide social welfare measures that are aligned with migrant inclusion
• Establish education responses to address segregation and provide equitable paths to professional growth

Related content

Etmu conference 2024, summer school: human mobility and global justice, policy and practice: financial instruments supporting integration of third-country nationals in the eu, acronym project summer school: central and eastern european migration and asylum policies, welcoming europe: addressing migration and demographic changes.

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• Billionaires investigation
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Migration research - case studies

Group work challenge.

• An introduction to the migration: where? when? why? who? how many?
• A map which shows where people are moving from and where they are moving to.
• A detailed explanation of the push and pull factors that have influenced the migration. What kind of migration is it (forced/voluntary? Internal/international? Economic/political/social/environmental?)
• At least one story which tells an actual person/family's experiences
• Consequences of the migration - you could divide these into Social, Economic, Environmental, Political.

1. The Rohingya: Myanmar to Bangladesh

2. the syria refugee crisis.

3. Mexico to USA

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Customer Stories / Media & Entertainment

Thomson Reuters Completes a Large-Scale Migration Project Ahead of Deadline on AWS

Overview | Opportunity | Solution | Outcome | AWS Services Used

7 data centers

hundreds of applications, and thousands of assets migrated 5 months ahead of schedule

reliability, availability, and scalability for its customers

approximate reduction of cloud costs post migration

operational support and scalable resources

More innovative

positioning  through modernization

Thomson Reuters is a leading provider of business information services. In 2018, the company divested its financial data and trading business, now called Refinitiv. As part of a transition services agreement the company needed to exit Refinitiv-owned data centers. The challenge required the company to migrate more than 400 applications and 10,000 assets split across seven data centers on an accelerated timeline.

Many of the applications the company needed to migrate were legacy systems—some with over 20 years of pedigree.

A Challenge and an Opportunity

A few years prior to the divestiture, Thomson Reuters committed to a cloud-first strategy with Amazon Web Services (AWS), taking advantage of Amazon Elastic Compute Cloud (Amazon EC2) and many other AWS services to provide highly secure and scalable cloud-native applications and services to its customers. However, Thomson Reuters still had not migrated all of its existing applications—many of which were customer-facing—by the time of the divesture, and the Refinitiv data center migration presented an opportunity to accelerate the company’s move to the cloud. Thomson Reuters decided the best course of action was to make its legacy applications cloud-ready. “It was better strategically to build the infrastructure in AWS and then work with our business units to modernize and redeploy their applications,” says Bart Matzek, senior director of technology in solutions engineering at Thomson Reuters. The company engaged two managed services providers (MSPs) to assist with the migration, but the project quickly ran into roadblocks. “We were too modest in our own abilities and thought the managed services providers we selected would be able to show us the way and we could learn from them,” says Justin Wright, Thomson Reuters’ vice president of architecture and development. “We sat back and listened as they rolled out their programs and structures with an open mind.” But Wright and his team soon realized that the migration plans the MSPs came up with were aimed at off-the-shelf software, were too focused on a server-by-server approach, and didn’t include minimum viable refactoring and alignment on common patterns, such as consolidating the versions of operating systems and databases the company was using. “The migration plans from the MSPs seemed to focus on all of the dependencies and things that might go wrong, which sent us down a rabbit hole,” says Wright. “The MSPs’ lack of domain knowledge, coupled with the complexity of our estate, made us realize we needed to put more ownership on the business and its application teams to have them drive their own migration.” The teams needed to take ownership and reinforce the plan and priorities. "Adding our own discovery process, dubbed ‘permit to host,’ on top of the data that our MSPs collected, allowed us to be very efficient with the architectural patterns we used to provide older database versions and with other technical capabilities our applications relied on," says Matt Dimich, head of solutions architecture at Thomson Reuters. “That enabled us to sort applications into buckets and consolidate patterns of technology, ultimately saving us a lot of time.” Thomson Reuters engaged the help of AWS Customer Enablement services including AWS Managed Services (AMS) and AWS Professional Services . “We already had a relationship with AWS, and we knew we could rely on its services,” says Wright. “AMS could also provide operational support and resources for capabilities we didn’t have the desire to scale.”

Simon Hornby, senior director of service transformation programs at Thomson Reuters, thought the shift away from the MSP approach was a great opportunity to refocus. “We determined we couldn’t meet the program timelines by refactoring all 400-plus applications, so we needed to consider different migration strategies to continue down the cloud-first path, but without the application transformation. By adopting rehost and replatform migration strategies, we were able to continue with the cloud adoption by making these legacy applications cloud-ready, but more importantly, we were able to meet the primary objective, which was to complete the program within two years.”

Being able to offload problems to the AWS Managed Services team, and knowing they were a trusted resource that could get us to the endgame, was a huge benefit.”

Justin Wright Vice president of architecture and development, Thomson Reuters

Gaining Migration Momentum on AWS

One of the biggest challenges with meeting the deadline was that none of Thomson Reuters’ tooling or management infrastructure existed in AWS. “We had no standards for this, as our intention was never to run traditional applications in the cloud. If you look at migrating 10,000 assets and 400 applications, your eyes start to glaze over,” says Danny Stubbings, vice president of engineering and operations at Thomson Reuters. “It’s a daunting amount of work to accomplish in just two years.” While Thomson Reuters was still responsible for the migration, AWS became the glue that brought the company together and moved the project forward. The AWS Professional Services team first suggested breaking the project down into smaller parts, each with its own dedicated cohort. “This centralized approach assigned responsibility to individual groups and encouraged the cohorts to drive their own initiatives. Each cohort was assigned 5–10 applications to focus on,” says Wright. “The idea was to do lots of small things very quickly.” Once the cohorts were defined, Thomson Reuters and AWS conducted intensive, clearly focused workshops with experts from various teams, including both AMS and AWS Professional Services. “Those groups helped us push through a lot of roadblocks,” says Stubbings. Empowering the cohorts was critical to moving the migrations forward. “If we're dragging an application group over the line, it's going to take years,” says Hornby. “But if the application teams are driving the migrations, they will get there on time. Accountability makes a big difference.” The project required significant collaboration among the teams. AMS worked with Thomson Reuters in an agile fashion to adapt to its operating model while bringing the benefits of change control to iterate and accelerate new capabilities to meet the company’s needs. “We needed a specific feature and it had to happen for us to be successful,” says Matzek. “AMS opened up its infrastructure to us in a special developer mode. We helped shape AMS, which gave us the flexibility to flush out issues quickly, fail fast, make changes, and then smooth out the process. That was a huge win. This continued focus on process improvements and automation helped the pace of migrations increase over time.” Once the infrastructure was built and refined, Thomson Reuters focused on application migration and the project began to accelerate. In the first five months, Thomson Reuters had migrated just one application. After resetting the overall program structure and collaborating with AWS, the company migrated over 30 applications in two weeks. To further streamline migration, Thomson Reuters used simplified software contracting through the AWS Marketplace to rapidly procure and integrate preferred third-party software into its AWS environment.

Setting the Stage for Modernization

Leveraging AWS Customer Enablement services, Thomson Reuters migrated seven globally dispersed data centers, hundreds of applications, and thousands of assets to the AWS Cloud five months ahead of schedule. And because it was able to exit Refinitiv data centers earlier than planned, the company achieved significant savings. Once this migration was complete, the Thomson Reuters team continued to work with AWS to further modernize the migrated applications, improve operability, and reduce overall cloud costs. This effort resulted in optimized service offerings and additional cost savings of approximately 20 percent. Further progressing these iterative improvements remains a continued focus. The migration to the cloud also increased scalability, improved agility, and helped map a path toward modernization that will position the company to be more innovative. “We're now much better positioned to modernize all our applications,” says Matzek.

Thomson Reuters tackled the daunting project ahead of schedule. “Without the help of AWS, we wouldn’t have met our deadline,” says Wright. “Being able to offload problems to the AWS Managed Services team, and knowing they were a trusted resource that could get us to the endgame, was a huge benefit.”

About Thomson Reuters

Thomson Reuters is a leading provider of business information services. Its products include highly specialized information-enabled software and tools for legal, tax, accounting and compliance professionals, combined with the world’s most global news service, Reuters.

AWS Services Used

Aws managed services.

AWS Managed Services (AMS) operates AWS on your behalf, providing a secure AWS Landing Zone, features which help you meet various compliance program requirements (HIPAA, HITRUST, GDPR, SOC, NIST, ISO, PCI), a proven enterprise operating model, on-going cost optimization, and day-to-day infrastructure management.

Learn more »

AWS Professional Services

The AWS Professional Services organization is a global team of experts that can help you realize your desired business outcomes when using the AWS Cloud. Learn more »

Amazon Elastic Compute Cloud (Amazon EC2) is a web service that provides secure, scalable compute capacity in the cloud. Learn more »

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Top 33 Migration Interview Questions and Answers 2024

Editorial Team

Migration, whether it pertains to data, applications, or platforms, is a critical process for businesses aiming to stay current with technological advancements and improve their operational efficiencies. This process involves moving digital assets from one environment to another, which could be driven by the need for better performance, cost reduction, or the adoption of new technologies. As such, professionals involved in migration projects must possess a robust set of skills and knowledge to ensure a smooth transition, minimize downtime, and mitigate the risks associated with such endeavors.

To help prepare candidates for roles in this challenging yet rewarding field, we have compiled a comprehensive list of the top 33 migration interview questions and answers. These questions cover a wide range of topics, from basic concepts to more complex scenarios, providing insights into the critical thinking and problem-solving approaches expected in these roles. This guide aims to equip job seekers with the understanding needed to excel in interviews and advance their careers in the technology migration domain.

Migration Interview Preparation Tips

Understanding these focus areas and preparing accordingly will help you present yourself as a well-rounded candidate for a migration-related position.

1. What Is Migration, And What Are The Different Types Of Migration?

Tips to Answer:

• Highlight your understanding of the basic concept of migration, distinguishing between its various forms such as internal, international, voluntary, and forced migration.
• Provide examples from current global trends or historical events to illustrate the different types of migration.

Sample Answer: Migration refers to the movement of people from one place to another with the intention of settling, either temporarily or permanently, in a new location. The movement can be within a country, which is known as internal migration, or across countries, referred to as international migration. There are also different reasons for migration, including voluntary migration, where individuals move for better job opportunities or quality of life, and forced migration, where individuals move due to conflict, persecution, or environmental factors. Personally, I’ve been particularly interested in how economic factors and environmental changes are influencing international migration patterns today, showing the complex interplay of push and pull factors in the decision-making process of migrants.

2. What Is The Difference Between Internal And International Migration?

• Highlight specific examples from your understanding or research that clearly demonstrate the differences between internal and international migration, focusing on the reasons people might choose one over the other.
• Discuss the impact of these migrations on individuals and societies, including cultural, economic, and legal aspects, to show a comprehensive understanding of the topic.

Sample Answer: In my studies, I’ve found that internal migration involves moving within the same country, often from rural to urban areas, driven by job opportunities, education, and better living conditions. It’s less complex legally but can still significantly impact societal structure and family dynamics. On the other hand, international migration refers to moving across country borders, which introduces legal challenges such as visas and residency requirements. This type is often motivated by similar factors but includes the additional element of navigating new cultural landscapes, which can be both enriching and challenging for migrants. My interest in migration studies stems from observing these dynamics and their influence on global and local scales.

3. What Are the Causes of Migration, and What Are the Push and Pull Factors?

• Focus on specific examples of push and pull factors to illustrate your understanding.
• Highlight how these factors interact to motivate individuals or groups to migrate.

Sample Answer: In my study and observation of migration patterns, I’ve identified several key push and pull factors. Push factors include economic hardship, lack of job opportunities, political instability, and environmental challenges such as natural disasters. These conditions often compel people to leave their home countries in search of better prospects. On the flip side, pull factors that attract migrants include higher employment opportunities, political stability, safer environments, and better living conditions. My interest in this subject stems from witnessing how these dynamics significantly affect migration trends, shaping the demographic and economic landscapes of both source and destination countries.

4. How Does Migration Impact The Economy Of Both The Source And Destination Countries?

• Focus on the positive and negative economic effects migration has on both source and destination countries, including workforce implications, GDP, and remittances.
• Use real-world examples or data to substantiate your points and illustrate the tangible impact of migration on economies.

Sample Answer: In my view, migration significantly reshapes the economies of both source and destination countries. For the source country, a major impact is the loss of labor, which can lead to skill shortages in critical sectors. However, this is often offset by the inflow of remittances, which boosts the local economy. On the flip side, destination countries benefit from the influx of labor, which can fill gaps in the labor market, especially in sectors experiencing shortages. This, in turn, can lead to economic growth and a more dynamic workforce. Nevertheless, it can also present challenges, such as increased demand for public services and infrastructure. In my experience, the key is finding a balance that maximizes the benefits of migration while mitigating its drawbacks.

5. What Are The Social Implications Of Migration, And How Does It Affect Families And Communities?

• Reflect on the diverse experiences of migrants and the communities they join, acknowledging both challenges and positive transformations.
• Illustrate with examples or personal experiences how migration can reshape family structures, community bonds, and social networks.

Sample Answer: In my view, the social implications of migration are profound, touching both migrants and their new communities. Migration can challenge traditional family roles and dynamics, as families may be separated or reunite under different circumstances. For instance, children might be left in the care of relatives, altering the parent-child relationship and community fabric. However, it also fosters new connections, blending cultures and strengthening communities by introducing diversity and resilience. Personally, I’ve seen how migration has enabled families, including my own, to pursue better opportunities, albeit not without the emotional and social toll of adjustment and integration into a new society.

6. What Are the Cultural Implications of Migration, and How Does It Impact the Identity of Migrants?

• Reflect on how migration offers an opportunity for cultural exchange, influencing both the migrant’s identity and the cultural landscape of the host community.
• Discuss personal or observed experiences that highlight the adaptability and resilience of migrants amidst cultural shifts.

Sample Answer: In my experience, migration profoundly shapes one’s identity, blending the cultural values of my homeland with those of the new country. This dual identity enriches personal growth, allowing me to view issues from multiple perspectives. It’s a journey of continuous learning and adapting, which, in turn, fosters a more inclusive and diverse community. I’ve seen firsthand how these cultural exchanges spark creativity and innovation in societies, making them more dynamic and cohesive.

7. What Are the Legal and Political Issues Surrounding Migration, and How Do Governments Regulate Migration?

• Discuss specific examples of laws or policies related to migration in your country or internationally to showcase your knowledge.
• Highlight any personal experience or case studies you have encountered or studied that illustrate the complexities of migration laws and government policies.

Sample Answer: In my studies and professional experience, I have closely followed the legal frameworks governing migration. For instance, the United States employs a combination of visas, border enforcement, and asylum policies to manage migration. Personally, I have volunteered with NGOs that assist migrants in navigating these legal complexities. This experience taught me the importance of understanding both the letter of the law and the humanitarian considerations at play. Governments face the challenge of balancing security and compassion, a task that requires constant adaptation to global migration trends.

8. What Are The Challenges Faced By Migrants, And How Can They Be Addressed?

• Highlight personal experiences or observations related to the challenges migrants face, such as language barriers, employment difficulties, or social integration issues. This shows empathy and understanding.
• Discuss possible solutions or interventions that could help overcome these challenges, such as community programs, government policies, or educational initiatives. This demonstrates problem-solving skills and a proactive attitude.

Sample Answer: In my experience, one significant challenge migrants face is the language barrier. It can hinder not only their ability to secure employment but also their social integration and access to services. To address this, I found participating in language exchange programs and community-based language classes incredibly beneficial. It not only improved my language skills but also helped me build a supportive network. Additionally, I believe that policies promoting workplace diversity and inclusion are crucial in helping migrants overcome employment difficulties. These approaches have personally helped me and could be effective solutions for others facing similar challenges.

9. How Does Migration Affect The Labor Market, And What Are The Consequences Of Brain Drain And Brain Gain?

• Provide specific examples or statistics to illustrate how migration has impacted the labor market in certain countries or regions.
• Discuss both sides of the “brain drain” and “brain gain” phenomena, including how countries losing talent can be affected and how countries gaining talent can benefit.

Sample Answer: In my experience, migration significantly reshapes the labor market. For instance, in my home country, we’ve seen a notable brain drain, with many skilled workers moving abroad for better opportunities. This has led to a shortage of professionals in critical sectors like healthcare and engineering. On the flip side, when I worked in a country that benefited from brain gain, I observed a boost in innovation and a more dynamic labor market, especially in tech industries. Addressing these challenges and opportunities requires targeted policies to balance the outflow and inflow of skilled workers, ensuring that migration enriches both source and destination countries.

10. What Are The Environmental Impacts Of Migration, And How Does It Contribute To Climate Change?

• Emphasize the direct link between migration patterns and environmental changes, elaborating on specific examples.
• Discuss the role of migrants in both contributing to and being affected by climate change, highlighting the dual nature of their impact.

Sample Answer: I believe the environmental impacts of migration are significant and multifaceted. On one hand, large-scale migration to urban areas can lead to overpopulation in these regions, straining natural resources and contributing to pollution and waste problems. On the other hand, migrants often flee areas heavily impacted by climate change, such as regions experiencing severe droughts, floods, or hurricanes. This movement underscores the urgent need for sustainable development and climate resilience in both origin and destination areas. My perspective is that by understanding these dynamics, we can better address environmental challenges related to migration.

11. How Does Migration Affect Health Outcomes, And What Are The Challenges Faced By Migrant Populations In Accessing Healthcare?

• Highlight specific health challenges migrants face, such as language barriers, lack of access to healthcare services, or cultural differences in medical treatment.
• Discuss personal or observed experiences where migration impacted health outcomes, emphasizing empathy and understanding of the complex healthcare landscape for migrants.

Sample Answer: In my experience, migration significantly influences health outcomes, primarily due to challenges in accessing healthcare. Language barriers often prevent migrants from communicating effectively with healthcare providers, leading to misunderstandings and misdiagnoses. Additionally, many migrants lack knowledge about the healthcare system in their new country, making it difficult for them to navigate services or obtain necessary medical care. From a personal standpoint, helping migrants overcome these obstacles has been a key part of my work, aiming to bridge the gap between them and quality healthcare services, ensuring they receive the care they need despite the hurdles they face.

12. What Are The Ethical Considerations Surrounding Migration, And How Can They Be Addressed?

• Reflect on the importance of human rights and dignity in the context of migration, recognizing the complex challenges that migrants face.
• Discuss the role of international cooperation and policy-making in addressing these ethical considerations, emphasizing the need for empathy and shared responsibility.

Sample Answer: When considering the ethics of migration, I believe it’s crucial to start from the premise that every person has the right to seek a better life. In my view, addressing the ethical considerations means ensuring that migration policies are grounded in respect for human rights and dignity. This involves not only protecting the rights of migrants but also understanding the root causes that compel people to move. I think a key part of the solution lies in international cooperation. Countries need to work together to create policies that are fair, that respect the autonomy of individuals, and that offer protection to those in need. It’s about finding a balance between national security and human compassion.

13. How Does Migration Impact Education, And What Are The Challenges Faced By Migrant Children In Accessing Education?

• Highlight specific challenges migrant children face, such as language barriers, social integration issues, and the need for special educational programs.
• Mention successful strategies or programs you know of or have been involved in that support migrant children in education.

Sample Answer: In my experience working with migrant communities, I’ve seen firsthand how migration profoundly impacts education. One of the main challenges migrant children face is language barriers. Not being fluent in the language of instruction can significantly hinder their academic progress and integration into the school system. To address this, I have been involved in programs that offer language support classes to these students, which has shown to be an effective way to help them catch up academically and socially. Another issue is the lack of familiarity with the new education system, which can be mitigated by providing orientation sessions for both parents and students. Through these efforts, we strive to ensure that migrant children receive the education they deserve.

14. What Are The Gender Implications Of Migration, And How Does It Affect Women And Girls Differently Than Men And Boys?

• Discuss specific challenges and opportunities that migration presents to women and girls, including access to employment, education, and healthcare.
• Highlight personal or observed experiences that showcase how gender roles and expectations influence the migration experience for women and girls.

Sample Answer: In my experience, migration has a nuanced impact on women and girls, distinct from the effects on men and boys. For instance, women often face greater employment barriers but also opportunities for empowerment. In one scenario, migrating for work allowed me to access roles that were previously unavailable in my home country, challenging traditional gender norms. However, it also exposed me to risks such as discrimination and exploitation. For girls, migration can mean better access to education, though it also sometimes leads to increased responsibilities that can hinder their school attendance. It’s critical to address these gender-specific challenges to ensure migration is equitable and beneficial for all.

15. How Does Migration Affect The Housing Market, And What Are The Consequences Of Gentrification And Displacement?

• Reflect on specific examples of how migration has influenced housing demand and prices in certain areas, highlighting both positive and negative effects.
• Discuss personal or observed experiences regarding gentrification and displacement, emphasizing the human aspect of these phenomena.

Sample Answer: In my observation, migration significantly impacts the housing market by increasing demand, which can lead to higher prices and sometimes gentrification. In cities where I’ve lived, this influx of new residents has revitalized neighborhoods, bringing in new businesses and services. However, it’s also led to displacement of long-time residents who can no longer afford rising rents or property taxes. By engaging with community organizations, I’ve seen firsthand the importance of developing inclusive housing policies that ensure affordable housing is available to mitigate these effects.

16. How Does Migration Affect The Housing Market, And What Are The Consequences Of Gentrification And Displacement?

• Highlight specific examples of how migration has directly influenced housing prices or availability in certain areas.
• Discuss the concept of gentrification and displacement, focusing on the impact on local communities, both positive and negative.

Sample Answer: In my observation, migration significantly influences the housing market, primarily by increasing demand in popular destinations. This heightened demand can lead to a rise in housing prices, making it challenging for long-time residents to afford their homes, leading to gentrification. For instance, in my city, the influx of migrants has revitalized certain neighborhoods, attracting new businesses and services. However, this revitalization has also resulted in displacement of some original residents who can no longer afford the rising costs. It’s a complex issue that requires thoughtful approaches to ensure housing remains accessible to everyone.

17. How Does Migration Affect The Food System, And What Are The Consequences Of Food Insecurity And Malnutrition?

• Highlight your understanding of the complex relationship between migration and food systems, focusing on both the challenges and opportunities migration presents.
• Share specific examples or experiences that demonstrate your knowledge of how migration can lead to food insecurity and malnutrition, as well as how it can contribute positively to food systems in some contexts.

Sample Answer: In my experience, migration deeply influences food systems, often in nuanced ways. On one hand, migrants can face significant challenges accessing nutritious food, leading to food insecurity and malnutrition. This is particularly true in cases where they are unable to find employment or are working in low-wage jobs that do not afford them the luxury of a healthy diet. On the other hand, migrants also bring diverse culinary practices and agricultural knowledge to their new communities, enriching local food systems and sometimes even improving food security by introducing new crops and cooking methods. For instance, in areas I’ve worked, migrant communities have established urban gardens that not only provide fresh produce for themselves but also for the local market, demonstrating the potential of migration to enhance food systems.

18. What Are The Technological Impacts Of Migration, And How Does It Affect The Digital Divide And Innovation?

• Highlight specific examples of how migrants have contributed to technological innovation in their destination countries.
• Discuss the ways in which technology can bridge the digital divide for migrants, enhancing their integration and participation in the new society.

Sample Answer: In my experience, migration has significantly propelled technological advancement. Migrants often bring diverse skills and perspectives that fuel innovation and creativity in the tech sector. For instance, in my previous role at a tech startup, I worked alongside a team with several migrants. Their fresh perspectives were crucial in developing a groundbreaking app that addressed language barriers among different communities. Additionally, leveraging technology, such as mobile apps and online platforms, has been instrumental for me and other migrants in accessing essential services and information, effectively reducing the digital divide. This not only aids in our integration but also enriches the technological landscape of the host country by fostering a more inclusive and diverse tech community.

19. How Does Migration Affect The Arts And Culture, And What Are The Consequences Of Cultural Exchange And Appropriation?

• Reflect on real examples of how migration has influenced arts and culture in specific regions or globally.
• Discuss the balance between cultural exchange enriching arts and the risks of cultural appropriation, providing your perspective on how these dynamics can be managed or have impacted societies.

Sample Answer: In my view, migration significantly enriches the arts and culture by introducing new perspectives, ideas, and traditions that blend with local customs to create innovative artistic expressions. For instance, in the United States, the influence of Latin American migrants has led to the widespread popularity of genres like reggaeton and salsa, showcasing a successful cultural exchange. However, it’s crucial to navigate the fine line between appreciation and appropriation. An example of managing this balance is when artists collaborate across cultures, ensuring that all contributions are respected and acknowledged. This approach fosters mutual respect and a deeper understanding of each other’s heritage, which I believe is essential for cultural enrichment and cohesion.

20. What Are The Impacts Of Migration On The Criminal Justice System, And How Can It Be Improved To Better Serve Migrant Populations?

• Focus on specific challenges faced by migrant populations within the criminal justice system, such as language barriers or lack of legal representation.
• Suggest practical improvements, like increased cultural competency training for law enforcement and judicial staff, or providing more accessible legal resources and interpreters for migrants.

Sample Answer: In my experience, migrants often face unique challenges in the criminal justice system, including language barriers and unfamiliarity with legal rights. To address these issues, I believe it’s crucial to enhance cultural competency training for all personnel within the system. This training would help staff understand and respect the diverse backgrounds of migrants. Additionally, ensuring that migrants have access to interpreters and comprehensive legal resources can significantly improve their navigation through the criminal justice system. By implementing these changes, we can create a more equitable environment for all individuals, regardless of their origin.

21. How Does Migration Affect The Tourism Industry, And What Are The Consequences Of Cultural Exchange And Economic Development?

• Highlight specific examples of how migration has positively influenced tourism through cultural exchange and culinary diversity.
• Discuss the economic benefits of migration for the tourism industry, including job creation and increased cultural attractions that draw more visitors.

Sample Answer: In my experience, migration significantly benefits the tourism industry by enriching cultural diversity and fostering economic development. For instance, in areas where immigrants have settled, there’s a noticeable boost in cultural festivals and culinary offerings, attracting tourists seeking authentic experiences. This cultural exchange not only makes destinations more appealing but also supports local economies by creating jobs in hospitality and retail sectors. Personally, I’ve seen how immigrant-owned businesses, from restaurants to tour services, play a crucial role in drawing tourists, which in turn stimulates economic growth in the community.

22. What Are The Impacts Of Migration On The Healthcare System, And How Can It Be Improved To Better Serve Migrant Populations?

• Focus on specific challenges that migrant populations face when accessing healthcare services, such as language barriers and lack of insurance.
• Highlight potential solutions or programs that could alleviate these issues, demonstrating an understanding of effective healthcare system adaptations.

Sample Answer: In my experience, migration significantly impacts the healthcare system, particularly in accessibility and quality of care for migrant populations. One major challenge is language barriers, which can lead to misunderstandings and inadequate treatment. To combat this, I believe integrating medical interpreters and culturally competent care into the healthcare system is essential. Additionally, many migrants lack proper healthcare coverage, which limits their access to necessary services. Implementing policies that provide affordable healthcare options to all residents, regardless of immigration status, would vastly improve healthcare outcomes for migrant communities.

23. How Does Migration Affect The Transportation Industry, And What Are The Consequences Of Increased Mobility And Connectivity?

• Focus on specific examples of how migration has influenced transportation systems in urban and rural contexts.
• Discuss the dual impact: the challenges posed by increased demand on public transport and infrastructure, and the opportunities for growth and innovation in the transportation sector.

Sample Answer: Migration significantly impacts the transportation industry by increasing demand for public transport and creating new connectivity routes. In cities, we often see overloaded public transport systems due to the influx of migrants seeking employment and better living conditions. To address this, as a transportation planner, I’ve worked on enhancing capacity and efficiency through upgraded infrastructure and smarter scheduling. In rural areas, migration introduces the need for improved connectivity, leading to the development of new transport routes. This expansion not only benefits migrants but also improves access for local residents, fostering economic growth and accessibility.

24. What Are The Impacts Of Migration On The Retail Industry, And How Can It Be Improved To Better Serve Migrant Populations?

• Highlight examples of how diverse customer bases influence product variety and service offerings in the retail industry.
• Discuss the importance of cultural sensitivity and language accessibility in enhancing the shopping experience for migrants.

Sample Answer: In my experience, migration significantly enriches the retail industry by broadening the consumer base, which necessitates a wider variety of products to cater to diverse tastes and cultural preferences. For instance, I’ve observed retailers expanding their product lines to include ethnic foods and culturally specific goods, which not only attracts migrants but also introduces new cultures to the local population. To better serve migrant populations, it’s crucial to implement cultural sensitivity training for staff and ensure language accessibility. This approach has helped in creating an inclusive shopping environment that respects and values diversity, leading to increased customer satisfaction and loyalty among migrant communities.

25. How Does Migration Affect The Financial Services Industry, And What Are The Consequences Of Remittances And Financial Inclusion?

• Highlight your understanding of the impact of migration on financial services, focusing on remittances and financial inclusion.
• Share specific examples or experiences that show your grasp of how these elements influence both migrants and the financial services industry.

Sample Answer: In my experience, migration significantly boosts the financial services industry through remittances. These funds sent home by migrants not only support families but also inject capital into economies, leading to more financial products tailored for migrants. This dynamic has encouraged greater financial inclusion, as services evolve to meet the unique needs of a mobile population. I’ve seen firsthand how targeted financial products can empower migrants, facilitating smoother integration into new economies while supporting economic growth in their countries of origin.

26. What Are The Impacts Of Migration On The Energy Industry, And How Can It Be Improved To Better Serve Migrant Populations?

• Highlight the specific ways in which migration affects energy demand and supply, including increased consumption and the potential for innovation in energy technologies.
• Discuss initiatives or strategies that can be implemented to ensure that the energy sector adapts to the needs of migrant populations, such as renewable energy projects or inclusive policies.

Sample Answer: In my experience, migration significantly influences the energy industry by altering demand patterns. For instance, influxes of migrants can lead to increased energy consumption in urban areas, which pressures existing infrastructure. To address this, I believe in the importance of investing in renewable energy sources that are scalable and can meet diverse needs. Additionally, ensuring that energy policies consider the unique situations of migrants, such as designing tariff systems that are accessible to all, can make a substantial difference. My approach would involve collaboration with communities and technology providers to innovate solutions that are sustainable and inclusive.

27. How Does Migration Affect The Construction Industry, And What Are The Consequences Of Labor Shortages And Skill Gaps?

• Highlight your understanding of the pivotal role migrants play in filling labor shortages in the construction industry, focusing on both skilled and unskilled labor.
• Discuss specific examples or experiences where migrant labor has effectively addressed skill gaps, emphasizing adaptability and learning.

Sample Answer: In my experience, migration significantly influences the construction industry by mitigating labor shortages and bridging skill gaps. For instance, in a project I managed last year, we were facing a critical shortage of skilled carpenters and masons. By integrating migrant workers into our workforce, not only did we fill this gap, but we also benefited from the diverse techniques and work ethics they brought. This blend of skills and perspectives enhanced our team’s overall efficiency and productivity, allowing us to meet project deadlines and maintain high-quality standards. In dealing with skill gaps, I’ve found that providing targeted training to migrant workers helps in quickly upskilling them to meet specific project needs, making them invaluable assets to the construction industry.

29. How Does Migration Affect The Legal System, And What Are The Consequences Of Legal Pluralism And Cultural Diversity?

• Highlight real-world examples where legal systems have adapted or struggled due to migration, emphasizing the role of legal pluralism and cultural diversity.
• Discuss the importance of culturally sensitive legal frameworks that respect the rights of migrants while ensuring the integrity of the host country’s legal system.

Sample Answer: In my experience, migration significantly impacts the legal system by introducing legal pluralism and enhancing cultural diversity. This has necessitated adaptations in legal frameworks to accommodate new cultural norms and practices. For instance, I’ve seen cases where traditional dispute resolution methods from migrant communities were recognized by local courts to resolve minor conflicts, showing a shift towards a more inclusive legal approach. This blending of legal practices requires a careful balance to respect migrant rights while upholding the host country’s laws, thereby enriching the legal landscape with diverse perspectives and practices.

30. What Are the Impacts of Migration on The Social Services Industry, and How Can It Be Improved to Better Serve Migrant Populations?

• Focus on specific challenges faced by migrant populations in accessing social services, such as language barriers or lack of awareness about available resources.
• Highlight potential solutions or improvements, like culturally sensitive programs or increased multilingual support, to demonstrate an understanding of how to enhance service delivery.

Sample Answer: In my experience working with migrant communities, I’ve observed significant challenges in accessing social services, primarily due to language barriers and unfamiliarity with the system. To address these issues, I advocate for the implementation of culturally sensitive training for social service providers. This approach not only improves communication but also ensures that services are more accessible and tailored to the unique needs of migrant populations. Additionally, increasing multilingual support within these services can significantly reduce the hurdles faced by non-native speakers, ensuring they receive the help they need efficiently.

31. How Does Migration Affect The Public Sector, And What Are The Consequences Of Bureaucratic Barriers And Administrative Challenges?

• Discuss specific examples of how migration has impacted the public sector in your experience or research, highlighting both challenges and solutions.
• Reflect on how addressing bureaucratic barriers and administrative challenges can improve the efficiency and inclusiveness of public services for migrants.

Sample Answer: In my previous role, I witnessed firsthand the strain migration can place on the public sector, particularly in terms of increased demand for public services. The key challenge was bureaucratic barriers, which often delayed the provision of essential services to migrants. To tackle this, we implemented streamlined processes and inter-departmental collaborations, significantly improving service delivery. This experience taught me the importance of adaptive public sector policies and practices in managing the impacts of migration effectively.

32. What Are the Impacts of Migration on the Non-Profit Sector, and How Can It Be Improved To Better Serve Migrant Populations?

• Highlight specific challenges faced by non-profits in serving migrant communities, such as funding constraints, language barriers, and cultural differences.
• Discuss your personal experience or strategies you’ve seen effective in enhancing the services provided by non-profit organizations to migrants.

Sample Answer: In my role at a non-profit dedicated to assisting migrants, I’ve encountered several challenges, including limited resources and the diversity of the migrant population’s needs. To address these, my approach has been two-fold: actively seeking partnerships with other organizations for better resource allocation and focusing on cultural competency training for our staff. This strategy has not only expanded our capacity to serve more migrants effectively but has also improved the quality of our programs by making them more accessible and relevant to the populations we aim to help.

33. How Does Migration Affect The Private Sector, And What Are The Consequences Of Labor Market Dynamics And Globalization?

• Highlight specific examples of how migration has impacted labor market dynamics within the private sector, focusing on globalization.
• Discuss personal or observed experiences of how migration has influenced workforce diversity and innovation in the private sector.

Sample Answer: In my experience, migration significantly influences the private sector, especially through labor market dynamics and globalization. For instance, in the tech industry, the influx of skilled migrants has filled critical skill gaps, fostering innovation and keeping companies competitive on a global scale. This diversity not only enhances creativity but also allows for a broader understanding of global markets, which is essential for expansion and catering to international customers. Additionally, migrants often bring unique perspectives and skill sets, contributing to the workforce’s adaptability in rapidly changing markets. My observation in various sectors shows that companies that embrace this diversity tend to perform better and have a more robust presence in the global market.

In wrapping up, it’s clear that mastering the top 33 migration interview questions and answers is pivotal for anyone aiming to excel in the field of migration, whether it be data, application, or system migration. These questions not only prepare you for what to expect during the interview process but also deepen your understanding of the complex, multifaceted nature of migration projects. Armed with this knowledge, candidates are better positioned to showcase their expertise, problem-solving abilities, and readiness to tackle the challenges inherent in migration roles. Remember, the key to success lies not just in providing the right answers but in demonstrating a thorough comprehension of migration concepts, strategies, and best practices.

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Novo Case Study: Scaling with a Modern Card Issuing Platform

Traditional banks focus on attracting and holding deposits. Novo, the financial solutions platform geared to small and medium-sized businesses (SMBs), recognized this approach doesn't always prioritize the needs of fast-moving entrepreneurial customers.

From the outset, Novo aimed to differentiate itself. It designed its platform with a more intentional, customer-centric approach. For CEO Michael Rangel, this meant focusing on facilitating the flow of funds and data in a way that empowers small businesses.

Rangel explains, "Banks' main focus is not how the money moves in or out of the account; the main focus is the hold. At Novo, we built our entire thesis around creating a solution to make these flows easier. That’s an entirely different game."

This vision is encapsulated in Novo's mission statement: "To empower customers with their financial data and provide the most compelling banking experience possible." 

Novo's commitment to the seamless movement of money and data has resonated with its audience. Today, Novo supports hundreds of thousands of businesses across its web and mobile apps, which emphasize excellence in customer experience. A testament to their success is the near-perfect score given by the 13,500 of Novo's customers who have reviewed its iOS app.

To support this level of customer satisfaction, Novo needed a card program that met its high standards. The company sought a solution that would slot seamlessly into its customers' payment workflows, enable smooth transactions, and make data readily available for financial tracking, analysis, and reporting.

After considering options for replacing their legacy payment processor, including Banking-as-a-Service (BaaS) platforms, Novo settled on Lithic. In Lithic, Novo found product and support alignment with their goals of providing friction-free experience to SMBs and entrepreneurs. Novo’s team selected Lithic for many reasons, including: 

• Lithic's product depth , which meant cards could slot seamlessly into Novo's suite and support their mission to give customers comprehensive visibility into their financial data
• Lithic's reliability, scalability, and track record of processing high transaction volumes
• The hands-on support and robust API documentation Lithic offered during migration and beyond
• Lithic's modular, flexible approach that, among other things, would enable Novo to use Lithic’s issuing gateway along with Lithic’s native core or Novo’s own proprietary ledger
• The shared values and deep understanding of small business challenges demonstrated by Lithic's team

“I’ve had a great experience with the Lithic team,” says Chelsye Toliver, Director of Payments at Novo. “They truly desire Novo’s success.” 

The Problem: Outgrowing Legacy Solutions

When Novo first started, it faced a significant challenge: finding partners who could support its vision. "It was not easy back then," Tyler McIntyre, Novo's co-founder and CTO, recalls. “When we got started, fintech really wasn't even a word."

Undeterred, the Novo team began knocking on doors, pitching their idea to potential partners. Eventually, on the banking side, they found a solution. They formed a partnership with Middlesex Federal Savings, a small community bank in Massachusetts.

For card processing, they had to look further afield. They settled on a traditional card processor to power their debit card program.

As Novo began to grow, however, they found that their legacy issuer-processor’s technologies did not fit their growing needs. It made it difficult for Novo to offer the seamless, tech-forward banking they wanted to provide their customers.

Issues with legacy providers

These are common complaints with legacy issuer processors. 

Legacy platforms often have inflexible and brittle APIs. They have layers of disjointed tech cobbled together over decades, leading to byzantine products and documentation. 

Lack of clear documentation means it takes longer for a card program to understand and build to the platform’s API. And when those fragile APIs inevitably break, the unintuitive documentation means it takes card programs much longer to debug and resolve issues.

Legacy platforms often also have sluggish corporate cultures. They don’t treat card programs as partners, but as nameless support tickets, so it can take a program days to get to the bottom of an urgent issue.

Finally, legacy card issuing providers are usually less flexible and modular. They offer a take-it-or-leave-it, one-size-fits-all product set. That can mean, for example, having to use their outdated ledger when you actually want to create a differentiated credit or savings product. It also means being forced to use their daily batch-reports tools – which often don’t reconcile or take so long they’re no longer useful when compiled. 

"They used systems and technologies that limited our ability to provide a superior customer experience," says Toliver, Novo's Director of Payments. "This was the case throughout the debit-card transaction lifecycle — from issuance through to dispute and chargeback processing." 

Additionally, Toliver notes, the legacy provider could not provide Novo with access to the data it needed to understand its customers and their product experience.

The limitations of BaaS

Novo knew that to continue growing and serving their customers effectively, they would need to find a more modern, flexible card issuing solution.

As Novo began to look for a new card-issuing partner for its debit cards, it considered several options. One possibility was to build its own infrastructure from scratch, but it quickly realized that this would be a massive undertaking.

Novo also explored working with various Banking-as-a-Service (BaaS) providers but found that these platforms often had constraints and limitations that hindered their ability to innovate and scale.

A BaaS provider is a generalist fintech infrastructure platform that allows companies to embed various banking services in their products. 

Novo’s perception of constraints and bottlenecks in a BaaS relationship has been echoed by other fintech customer-facing products that want to work quickly to build world-class products and meet customers’ needs. BaaS providers are layered over other infrastructure providers, creating unnecessary third-party dependencies, slowing implementation, and abstracting away important features and controls. That all leads to a great deal of opacity and dead-ends when it comes to exercising more control over the customer experience. 

Moreover, because a BaaS provider is just one more intermediary, reconciliation can become more challenging. Indeed, some BaaS platforms have faced public fallout due to alleged poor reconciliations that led to missing funds.

Novo, as a banking technology pioneer, was looking for a relationship that offered much more control and flexibility. Meanwhile, they also wanted a technically solid infrastructure they could comfortably rely on in the medium- and long-term. 

Solving Problems With a New Card-Issuing Processing Partner

This is where Lithic came in. Lithic's platform and API-centric approach allowed Novo to keep their focus on solving the core problems faced by small businesses, without unnecessary complexity.

"Novo's philosophy is all about keeping the focus on the problem," Rangel, the CEO explains. "If embedding financial services, like payroll, banking, insurance, credit cards, debit cards etc., helps solve that problem and adds profitability, then great. But if it doesn't, it's best to revisit embedding their APIs later."

With Lithic’s accessible and clear API, there was an immediate fit. 

Nearly instant results, including ARPU growth, with Lithic

After switching over to Lithic, Novo watched the data carefully. As might be expected, any migration of a major business driver was a major undertaking, and Novo was anxious to see how the new partner performed in comparison to the processor it was leaving behind. The results were nearly immediate, and significant, starting with how quickly customers received their cards and activated them: 

• Average card delivery time was reduced from 21 days with the previous legacy processor to just 7 days with Lithic . 
• Lithic also made faster rush-delivery options available, including overnight deliveries of cards via FedEx and UPS, to increase card activation rates.
• Across all shipping methods, Lithic provided better and more realistic estimated card delivery dates
• A one-click activation process streamlined the user experience, enabling customers to start using their cards immediately.

Performance benefits quickly translated to usage and revenue growth: 

• The proportion of customers using their debit cards in the first month after funding increased by 16.7% compared to the 12-month average with the prior processor .
• Novo has seen “banner debit card spend” each month: Average daily spend consistently increased each month, with a 7.8% increase from when the migration began in April to July , indicating a better user experience with Lithic cards. The hypothesis is that improved transaction-data visibility encouraged higher card usage.
• ARPU in the first month after funding increased by 26.8% since the Lithic migration compared to the 12 months prior.

The results have persisted. Customers continue to transact at record levels immediately after account funding, demonstrating the value of quick and painless card issuance. Novo saw its largest spenders migrate over particularly quickly, a signal that the product’s most committed users responded exceptionally positively to the migration. Novo is also seeing larger spend amounts on the days around the first of each month– indicating Novo’s cards are increasingly becoming the “top of wallet option,” i.e. the default card for subscriptions and recurring payments. 

The Process: Seamless Migration and Collaborative Support

Finally, the migration was smooth and hiccup-free. This wasn’t just a subjective evaluation. This is clear in the lack of a significant slip in dollar volumes that can sometimes happen after a migration if customers face issues. Instead, Novo retained 93% of customer spend in a migration cohort that moved to Lithic in mid-2023.

Lithic's team worked closely with Novo to ensure that the transition was seamless for their customers, with no disruption to their services. Migrating to Lithic's platform was a smooth working process, thanks to Lithic's hands-on support and robust API documentation. It was completed relatively quickly, from beta tests of physical cards in early 2023 to a migration completion that same summer. 

Lithic’s team worked closely with Novo to nail down key processes. “Reconciliation is always collaborative and prompt,” says Toliver.

Additionally, Novo was able to quickly make use of Lithic advanced card-issuing capabilities. These included security-enhancing features like 3DS 2.0, the authentication protocol, which gives issuers added control over the authentication decisions in card-not-present transactions. Before it was adopted, Lithic performed backtests on anonymized transaction history, to help Novo understand the net savings it could expect to see in implementing Lithic’s 3DS authentication decisioning.

Using Lithic: Unlocking Growth and Innovation

Since partnering with Lithic in 2022, Novo has been able to focus on what they do best: creating innovative banking solutions for small businesses. With Lithic's flexible platform and reliable infrastructure, Novo has been able to:

• Scale rapidly, growing from zero to thousands of beta testers, to tens of thousands and then hundreds of thousands of debit card users in a short period. 
• Offer unique features like instant card issuance and real-time transaction insights. Toliver noted that "access to digestible information has allowed us to improve the customer experience significantly." 
• Reduce fraud with affordances like Lithic's support of the 3D Secure 2.0 protocol, which gives issuers more control over cardholder authentication for card-not-present transactions.
• Integrate seamlessly with popular business tools like QuickBooks and Xero, just like the rest of Novo's products.

Referring to the importance of these integrations, McIntyre mused on how outdated bank accounts' integrations (or lack of them) seem in an API-first era.

"It's crazy that I can string together a light switch to a toaster using ... Zapier and all these other tools, but I couldn't connect my business bank account to my payment processor. When it’s just a CSV. So that's kind of where the idea came from to focus on integrations."

When Novo launched its revamped debit card last year, it emphasized continuous transaction monitoring, fraud alerts, and in-app controls. These features are, in part, made possible by Lithic’s emphasis on providing customers with rich data access and fine-grained control over transactions overall, and security-related decisioning in particular. 

“When you consider that U.S. businesses lose as much as 5% of their gross revenue to fraud, it’s crucial for small business owners to quickly know when an unauthorized transaction is processed,” Rangel said in the June 2023 product announcement. “Novo’s new debit card allows our more than 200,000 small business customers to effortlessly monitor fraud, and control their card activity directly through the Novo app.”

All this has been possible without high fees that eat away at interchange revenue. 

Novo's goal has always been to maintain a lean, efficient operation without sacrificing customer experience. This is the only way Novo is able to fulfill its ethos that small business banking should generate revenue without charging onerous fees for basic checking and account services.

Scaling with flexibility and control

By choosing Lithic as its card issuing partner, Novo has overcome the limitations of legacy payment systems and unlocked new growth opportunities. Lithic's flexible, reliable platform has empowered Novo to innovate and scale while maintaining a laser focus on serving the unique needs of small businesses.

With Lithic's support, Novo is well-positioned to achieve its mission of putting business bank accounts at the center of the financial stack for entrepreneurs and small business owners everywhere.

"We aren't merely focusing on reinventing the wheel and making an incrementally better checking account," Rangel said. "We aim to completely transform how this financial tool has been structured for decades. This means simplifying every aspect of financial management for small and medium-sized businesses by integrating the SMB stack into our platform and optimizing the movement of funds along the rails."

With Lithic propelling its card back-end, Novo is poised to continue disrupting the business banking landscape and empowering small businesses to thrive.

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